The Australian
Cracks in the black face
  By DAVID NASON 
  27may00

  THE week leading into Corroboree 2000 has
  been another epic for the old war horse
  Charles Perkins. It began last Sunday when
  Perkins, on the Ten network's Meet The Press,
  declared John Howard a fascist and, as he does
  at every opportunity, the worst prime minister
  in Australian history. 

  By Tuesday, Perkins was calling Howard a "real
  dog" and condemning the tucker dished up to
  Aboriginal callers at The Lodge as not fit for
  human consumption.

  The day after, it was the AFL's turn, with
  Perkins branding football's senior management
  "racist" for rejecting his plan for an Aboriginal
  carnival.

  All of it was typical of the headline-grabbing
  rhetoric Australia has come to expect from the
  veteran Aboriginal activist. But significantly, the
  Perkins vitriol was not confined to the white
  eyes alone.

  Asked about the decision of Kimberley Land Council director Peter Yu
to join
  former Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation chairman Pat Dodson in
boycotting
  Corroboree 2000, Perkins's response was poisonous.

  "If Pat Dodson says the world is red, so does Peter Yu," Perkins
sneered. "I don't
  think he (Yu) has got too much of a brain of his own."

  It was a swipe that might be dismissed as just another Perkins
indiscretion,
  except that it actually says a lot about the state of Aboriginal
leadership in
  Australia today. Going into Corroboree 2000 – an event always expected
to unify
  Aboriginal Australia, even if it was going to fail in terms of
reconciling black and
  white – the solidarity that once defined and sustained indigenous
politics is gone.

  In its place is a lot of anger, division and personal jealousy.

  On its own this is a potent enough mix, but add in the continuing and
debilitating
  frustration of Aborigines with the Howard Government over issues such
as an
  apology to the stolen generations and the anguish of indigenous
leadership is
  bordering on terminal.

  One result has been a collapse of discipline. Public displays of
contempt such as
  that of Perkins for Yu are becoming commonplace. The most startling
example this
  week was the insult delivered to reconciliation council head Evelyn
Scott on
  Thursday when she was left out of a pre-Corroboree summit with Howard
  organised by Dodson and Geoff Clark, chairman of the Aboriginal and
Torres Strait
  Islander Commission.

  Go back five years when Dodson was at the reconciliation helm and such
a snub
  would have been unthinkable. But not anymore.

  Aboriginal politics has reached a stage where long-established leaders
such as Pat
  Dodson won't even pretend that unity exists. It has left many feeling
confused
  and disillusioned.

  These are the same people whose hearts and minds were once prized as a
  fundamental currency for Aboriginal advancement. Many are struggling
to maintain
  their convictions.

  Their difficulty is that the once coherent Aboriginal national vision
they relied upon,
  drew strength from and believed in no longer exists.

  Seven years ago, under the paperbark trees at remote Eva Valley
Station in the
  Northern Territory, it was a different story. There, over three
historic days and
  nights, more than 400 Aborigines from across Australia gathered in a
bold
  attempt to forge a unified position on the difficult issue of native
title.

  By the end, a range of personal, ideological and regional rivalries
had been put
  aside and the common purpose many thought impossible was achieved.
>From it
  came a leadership group charged with the ultimately successful task of
pursuing
  native title negotiations with the Keating Labor government.

  Ironically, Eva Valley also involved the resurrection of Perkins, then
fresh from a
  stint as adviser to John Hewson, to the Aboriginal mainstream. With
Corroboree
  2000 at hand, it is sobering to remember what he said in his speech on
Eva
  Valley's final day.

  "Let's stick together," Perkins urged. "We're on the road, so let's be
friendly to
  each other and see what we can achieve."

  The unity reached at Eva Valley may stand as one of the great
Aboriginal
  monuments of the reconciliation decade, but it also makes the
leadership malaise
  of today so much more profound. With a few notable exceptions, such as
Clark
  and Aboriginal senator Aden Ridgeway, the leaders whose names and
faces are
  most familiar to Australians have left the game.

  For some, such as Lowitja O'Donoghue, there should only be sympathy.
  O'Donoghue has been exhausted by her role as one of the public faces
of the
  stolen generations and she despairs at the approach of the Olympic
Games.

  She knows it means the scars of her past will have to be opened up all
over again
  for international media consumption. "People don't seem to understand
just how
  draining it is to keep on reliving your pain," O'Donoghue confided
this week.

  For leaders such as Yu, Mick Dodson, David Ross and Galarrwuy
Yunupingu, who
  rose to power in the great land rights campaigns of northern
Australia, the
  despair is more political than personal. The passions that drove them
during the
  Hawke-Keating years have given way to a crippling despondency over the
record
  of the Howard Government.

  "One of the biggest problems we have had is the attitude that
leadership is a
  domain that belongs to the few rather than the many," says Ridgeway.
"My view is
  that too few Aboriginal people are speaking about the issues."

  To this end, Ridgeway is negotiating with SBS television for a new
indigenous
  current affairs program where views would be canvassed from younger
Aboriginal
  people. He's also working up plans for a privately funded Aboriginal
think tank
  based on an Israeli model, with a charter to encourage Aboriginal
people around
  the nation to be involved in discussing issues.

  "A think tank can help the process of change," he says. "I'm not
talking about
  Aboriginal people becoming homogenous. This is about building a
capacity to
  reconstruct ourselves so we don't just become victims of our own
grief."
-- 
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