ABC TV The 7:30 Report
Transcript
 24/08/00
 Fraser makes passionate plea
 for moral leadership

 KERRY O'BRIEN: Former Liberal prime minister
 Malcolm Fraser is making news in Darwin tonight
 in a speech with an unprecedented attack on the
 Federal Government's record on Aboriginal affairs
 across a broad front.

 Mr Fraser also says he no longer believes
 Australia's legal system adequately protects the
 human rights of individuals, and he calls for a bill
 of rights.

 In a lecture to honour the memory of Vincent
 Lingiari, the Northern Territory leader whose
 activism in the '60s paved the way for land
 rights, Mr Fraser challenges the findings in the
 recent stolen generations case in the Federal
 Court, and says he believes the Commonwealth
 Government failed in its duty of care to many
 children of the stolen generations.

 He systematically rejects the Howard
 Government's stance on a formal apology, on
 compensation for the stolen generations, on
 reconciliation, and on mandatory sentencing.

 He calls on Mr Howard to show stronger moral
 leadership.

 I spoke with the former prime minister at his
 Melbourne office before he flew to Darwin.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: Malcolm Fraser, in your speech
 you strongly disagree with one aspect of Judge
 O'Loughlin's finding in the recent stolen
 generations case, where he found that the
 Commonwealth Government did meet its duty of
 care with Gunner and Cabilo.

 On what basis do you disagree?

 MALCOLM FRASER, PRIME MINISTER,
 1975-1983: I disagree because I believe the duty
 of care should extend beyond the mere taking
 away of the child from the parent.

 The purpose of taking the child away was to
 enable them to be brought up in western ways.

 We would disagree with all of this now, but the
 law, the ordinances of the time made it legal.

 But the purpose of it was for the child to be
 given a good education in a decent environment
 and brought up in western ways.

 I believe that many of the institutions in which
 these mixed blood people were put were
 inadequate, the teachers did not have proper
 qualifications and that the basic objective was
 therefore not achieved in a great number of
 cases.

 I think the duty of care should have extended to
 make sure that the institutions were themselves
 run properly and teaching was of an appropriate
 standard.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: So that, in your view, then
 becomes a part of the case of the stolen
 generation for some sort of reparation or
 compensation or acknowledgement by
 Government today, by the courts, of wrongs
 done to them?

 MALCOLM FRASER: I'm not sure that the courts
 can fix this because the courts have to judge the
 cases on the basis of the law of the time.

 I've seen the ordinances, I've seen the powers
 they've given the protectors and the way those
 powers could be delegated down to a patrol
 officer level, and the powers were massive.

 They, in a sense, could dispose of Aboriginals in
 a way that nobody else in the whole community
 would have tolerated for one instant.

 For example, certainly up to the late '40s, early
 1950s there was a power to send, put it in
 inverted commas, "delinquent young Aboriginals"
 off to a place of detention without any trial,
 without any judgment, without any evidence,
 just if a policeman or a patrol officer says this
 man or woman is delinquent and needs to be put
 in a place of detention.

 That is an absolute power over somebody.

 No judicial restraint but the law apparently
 allowed it.

 The issue was tackled on a racial basis.

 Leave the full bloods alone, stop the half-bloods,
 mixed bloods being brought up in an Aboriginal
 environment, bring them up in a white
 environment.

 The full bloods will ultimately disappear, the
 mixed bloods will be assimilated, will become
 more and more like white people, will know
 nothing of the history, language and culture of
 their Aboriginal background and thus the
 problem will be solved.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: You say there will have to be a
 political settlement with the stolen generations,
 but the PM says that it's already settled the case,
 the Government has already settled the case with
 a $63 million package.

 What more do you want to see?

 MALCOLM FRASER: Well, I think I want to see a
 good deal more, and if there is to be a real
 reconciliation there needs to be a recognition by
 Australia of injustices done.

 Canada has made massive strides in the last 10
 or 15 years.

 I think we used to be ahead of Canada in
 handling these problems, but they now have
 gone far ahead in establishing agreements,
 they've made their apology, they established a
 healing fund of $350 million and they had, I
 think, 1.3, 1.4 million indigenous people.

 In Canada they are prepared to use terms like
 "self-determination", "self-government" and
 Canada does not feel any the less of a nation as
 a consequence.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: Without the fear of a separate
 nation, without the fear of some people claiming
 that it's akin to another form of apartheid.

 MALCOLM FRASER: In Canada, nobody believes
 that the country is being broken up, nobody
 believes that the country is any the less one
 country as a consequence of it.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: Mr Howard says the Parliament
 has passed an expression of regret, that he has
 made a personal -- that he has expressed his
 own personal sorrow for the past, but he says
 that he won't make a formal apology for the sins
 of our fathers, for the sins of past generations,
 and many Australians would agree with him.

 MALCOLM FRASER: Well, they would because the
 Government has put it around that if there is an
 official apology it means today's Australians are
 guilty for the things that happened in the 1800s,
 in the early parts of the 1900s.

 But it doesn't mean that.

 Canadians don't feel guilty.

 New Zealanders don't feel guilty when an
 expression of apology is made.

 All of the States have apologised.

 Many of the churches have apologised in
 Australia.

 Now, because the Premier of Victoria apologised
 does that make Victorians guilty?

 You know, it's a nonsense.

 It's an attitude of mind, it's an incapacity to
 understand the reality of what happened and, as
 I understand Aboriginal leaders -- and I'm sure in
 many ways my understanding is very imperfect --
 a large part of healing, matters of the spirit,
 matters of the heart involves a recognition by the
 highest authorities in Australia that there were
 some terrible things done and we wish with all
 our heart, with all our strength that they had not
 been done and that an official apology on the
 part of the nation.

 I know the Parliament passed a resolution, but,
 clearly, in terms of other things that have
 happened, that's not regarded as adequate.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: All your public life, you've
 believed that our system of law derived from
 Britain was perfectly adequate in protecting
 individual human rights, but in this speech you're
 now calling for an Australian bill of rights.

 That's a big step.

 Why?

 MALCOLM FRASER: I'm saying it should be
 revisited.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: So why a bill of rights?

 MALCOLM FRASER: Well, these people were not
 protected by the common law system.

 It failed them, so that's one point, one reason.

 And also I believe that, in this day and age where
 racism, ethnic rivalries, religious rivalries continue,
 they occur in many different parts of the world,
 and with my responsibilities with CARE Australia
 and with CARE International, we work in many of
 the places where the most terrible consequences
 of racism still exist, whether it's in Africa,
 whether it's in the Balkans or whether it's in East
 Timor -- it's racism in its rawest form.

 We like to think that Australia is apart from all of
 this.

 We like to think that Australia is above all of this
 and better than all of this.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: What would you want a bill of
 rights to enshrine?

 MALCOLM FRASER: To protect individual rights of
 people.

 That's the most important thing, because I really
 believe that this is a battle that is never going to
 be completely and absolutely won.

 Each generation is going to have to fight the
 battle over again in one form, in one way or
 another, and the greater the protection that law
 can provide, the better the system will be.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: In your speech, you describe
 the Federal Government's attacks on the UN
 human rights committees that have criticised our
 treatment of Aboriginals as a step into the past
 which "puts jingoistic nationalism over and above
 the concept and ideal of human rights".

 You also strongly oppose mandatory sentencing
 and say this is a clear case where the foreign
 affairs power should have been used to abolish
 it.

 Aboriginal rights seems to have become
 something of a road to Damascus for you, in a
 way.

 MALCOLM FRASER: Well, I don't know that it
 has.

 There's been a certain logic and inevitability, I
 suppose, in some of the things that I've been
 involved in.

 I don't think I've changed.

 The agenda of the time has changed and I don't
 have the restraints of office or the restraints of
 Government.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: John Howard and his ministers
 do and John Howard has argued in the past that
 he has to be conscious of the pendulum on
 Aboriginal issues, that he thought that pendulum
 once might have been too far the other way, but
 has now shifted too far onto the side of
 Aboriginals.

 He talks about having to keep the country
 united, not wanting to divide the country.

 You would acknowledge, I would imagine, that it
 would be an extraordinarily difficult thing for him
 as leader to adopt the approach that you've
 taken on issues like mandatory sentencing,
 stolen generations, reconciliation, treaty and so
 on?

 MALCOLM FRASER: Well, on some of these
 issues I'm not sure.

 I didn't use the word 'treaty' specifically.

 I said let's stick to the word 'agreement'.

 It is pre-eminently an issue where authority has
 to lead.

 Who has the history of the past?

 Where are the records?

 They're all in Government files or in the archives.

 Now, if somebody is going to try and say to
 Australians, "Look, what we were taught at
 school, what we understood of the past is not
 true, it was a different kind of past."

 Now, if a PM is prepared to say that and prepared
 to say, "Therefore, we must do this and this,"
 that has enormous moral authority and I really
 believe that a PM who acted in that way in
 relation to this issue would strengthen his moral
 authority immeasurably.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: You disagree with the current
 Government on the issue of an apology, on
 compensation, or a form of compensation for the
 stolen generations, on mandatory sentencing, on
 the Government's criticism of the United Nations,
 on a treaty or agreement in place of a treaty.

 That does represent a yawning gulf between you
 and your conservative colleagues in government.

 Has it cost you friendships?

 MALCOLM FRASER: Not so far.

 It also makes some friendships and makes some
 friendships in the Liberal Party because people
 say that we're glad that a Liberal is saying these
 liberal things.

 I mean, Menzies always emphasised that the
 Liberal Party was a liberal party.

 He specifically rejected conservatism as a force
 within the Liberal Party.

 Now, reading those particular Menzies speeches
 today, conservatism seems to be -- well, the
 whole political spectrum has moved to the right.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: Too narrow?

 MALCOLM FRASER: Well, it's moved to the right
 and I think social issues, human issues have
 become subsidiary to economic and financial
 issues.

 KERRY O'BRIEN: In your speech, you're
 challenging everyone who marched in the
 reconciliation marches around Australia to
 basically convert one other person, but can you
 claim any converts?

 MALCOLM FRASER: Yes -- 

 Obviously no names and no pack drill but I've
 had people saying to me, "I didn't realise that
 was the reality, I didn't realise that that was
 happening -- I'm glad you told me."

 KERRY O'BRIEN: Malcolm Fraser, thanks for
 talking with us.

 MALCOLM FRASER: Thank you.

  email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  
  � 2000 Australian Broadcasting Corporation
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