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Car*, Global War for Oil Two decades after the establishment of USCENTCOM, the U.S. military has clearly positioned itself to assert the Carter Doctrine on a global scale. In March 2001, newly appointed Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham unveiled the Bush/Cheney administration's process to create a new National Energy Strategy "founded on the understanding that diversity of supply means security of supply." In actuality, this strategy had been in place for more than a decade. Although energy planners know that there is simply not enough excess oil in the world to displace the central role of the Persian Gulf nations, they have sought to maximize sources of oil from elsewhere in order to diminish the power of the Gulf states. Alternative oil suppliers immediately become, by definition, strategically important in the U.S. military calculus, and there is a striking correlation between the presence of oil and the deployment of the U.S. military globally. a.. In Somalia, just before pro-U.S. President Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991, nearly two-thirds of the country's territory had been granted as oil concessions to Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Phillips. Conoco even lent its Mogadishu corporate compound to the U.S. embassy a few days before the Marines landed, with the first Bush administration's special envoy using it as his temporary headquarters. b.. The Andean countries of Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador together produce about 20 percent of the oil imported by the United States, more than two million barrels a day. Venezuela is often the top supplier of oil to the United States. Observers have long suspected that the oil in this region was a central motivation for the U.S. involvement in Colombia's civil war. In 2002, the Bush Administration allocated $98 million to deploy 60 to 100 Special Forces troops to train a "Critical Infrastructure Brigade" of Colombians for the explicit purpose of protecting an Occidental Petroleum pipeline. c.. In the Caspian region, which may contain as much as 200 billion barrels in oil reserves, the U.S. military has been actively working to combat terrorism -- and to secure possible pipeline routes for the export of Caspian oil. In March 2001, the United States pledged $4.4 million in military aid to oil-rich Azerbaijan. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Mira Ricardel said the aid was "to counter threats such as terrorism, to promote peace and stability in the Caucasus, and to develop trade and transport corridors." Azeri President Heydar Aliyev more specifically intermingled fighting terrorism and protecting oil pipelines, stating, "Guaranteeing the security of the Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan and the Baku-Tblisi-Erzurum oil and gas pipelines is an integral part of our struggle against terrorism." d.. In February 2001, Washington said it would provide the country of Georgia with $64 million in military support, and promised to dispatch 180 Special Forces "advisers" to train up to 2,000 Georgians in anti-terrorism techniques. According to an Interfax News Agency report, the Georgian Defense Ministry said that "servicemen trained under the U.S. Train and Equip program might help provide security for the [Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan] pipeline." e.. In 1997, BP and Halliburton (headed at the time by Dick Cheney) proposed the Trans-Balkan pipeline (TBP) that would provide another export route for Caspian oil via tanker to the Bulgarian Black Sea coast and through Skopje in Macedonia to Vlore, a port in Albania. Two years later, U.S. forces in southeast Kosovo began construction of Camp Bondsteel -- which has become the largest new military base since the Vietnam War. In December 2002, ExxonMobil and Chevron Texaco both announced they were considering participation in the Trans-Balkan pipeline. f.. From Nigeria in the North to Angola in the South, West Africa holds in excess of 33 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, already supplies 15 percent of U.S. oil imports, and could supply one quarter of U.S. imports by 2015. In June 2002, a report from the private but well-connected "African Oil Policy Initiative Group" recommended that the United States declare the Gulf of Guinea a "vital interest," and that the United States "should strongly consider the establishment of a regional homeport, possibly on the islands of Sao Tome and Principe. Fradique de Menezes, the President of Sao Tome and Principe, announced in August 2002 that the United States had agreed to build a U.S. naval base in his country, though the Pentagon denies any such plans. (parte di un intervento di Steve Kretzmann : http://multinationalmonitor.org/mm2003/03jan-feb/jan-feb03corp1.html#name) c/ *********************** Se arrivi a un bivio...prendilo!! *********************** www.materialiresistenti.blogspot.com ___________________________________________ Rekombinant http://www.rekombinant.org
