I think that when it comes to religious organizations, the Religion
Clauses create a zone of autonomy that may have quite different contours
than is the case with newspapers and universities.  Certainly, as to
universities, how do we explain *public* universities?  Obviously there
we permit, if not insist upon, rather pervasive monitoring, don't we?
And even with regard to private universities, governments regulate any
number of activities and functions that they do not regulate when it
comes to religious organizations.  Employment comes to mind, just for
openers.  

Newspapers are perhaps more interesting.  But, here again, doesn't the
government intrude into such areas as employment in ways that the
government does not in connection with religious organizations?  Surely
there are other examples, none of which seem particularly controversial,
troublesome, or problematic.   (By the way, recall the "excessive
entanglement" that existed with regard to *broadcast* media by virtue of
licensing requirements regarding the use of assigned frequencies in the
electro-magnetic spectrum.)

The autonomy of universities and newspapers seems to generate less
practical and less constitutional concern than does the autonomy of
religious institutions.  And, I think, the constitutional text suggests
-- if not commands -- that this be so.
 

-----Original Message-----
From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Saturday, April 08, 2006 3:42 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Excessive entanglement

        Yes, but why was the monitoring (a large part of the asserted
entanglement) an impermissible entanglement?  I take it that this is
because it would risk putting the religious schools too much under the
supervision and potential control of the government.  The monitoring
would involve "[a] comprehensive, discriminating, and continuing state
surveillance," and would require "state inspection and evaluation of the
religious content of a religious organization," which is "pregnant with
dangers of excessive government direction of church schools and hence of
churches," and with "the danger that pervasive modern governmental power
will ultimately intrude on religion."  But wouldn't continuing state
surveillance, inspection, evaluation, direction, and intrusion be just
as bad for newspapers and universities?

        As to divisive political potential, much has been said about it
elsewhere; I agree with those who say that this should not be part of
the Establishment Clause inquiry for many reasons, one of which is that
it's far from clear which would lead to more division among religious
lines: making it easy for people to cheaply opt out of public schools
into religious schools, or to fund only public schools and thus increase
have more parents who are dissatisfied with their children's schools for
religious reasons.

        Eugene

> -----Original Message-----
> From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
> [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of 
> Newsom Michael
> Sent: Tuesday, April 04, 2006 10:28 AM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: RE: Excessive entanglement
> 
> 
> Isn't Lemon v. Kurtzman a good place to begin a meaningful 
> inquiry into the contours of "excessive entanglement?"  
> Burger identifies several considerations that informed the 
> judgment of the Court on this point: "the substantial 
> religious character of the[] church-related schools'; the 
> need to monitor the financial and programmatic limitations 
> and conditions of the Pennsylvania and Rhode Island statutory 
> schemes; and "the divisive political potential of these state 
> programs."
> 
> I am not sure that "excessive entanglement" with private 
> universities or newspapers bears any resemblance to 
> "excessive entanglement" with religious organizations, 
> particularly parochial schools.  So the question is not 
> whether one is worse than the other, unless one wants to 
> consider whether apples are worse than oranges.
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