"That kind of jockeying for government recognition of particular
denominations-- or for an implicit government statement rejecting
supposed antireligious views-- seems to be just the kind of political
divisions along religious lines that the Establishment Clause was
supposed to prevent."

Yes indeed to Professor Friedman's statement, and (I would add) it's
also the sort of divisions that Marsh itself was trying to prevent.  I
tend to see Marsh as an earlier Van Orden -- government gets to act
religiously, but not too much.  Breyer says in Van Orden that upholding
the momument (not striking it down) is the best way to avoid
"religiously based divisiveness."  I bet Marsh court had a thought or
two along those lines -- that the best way to keep the peace was by
approving legislative prayer with some (what it thought to be modest)
strings attached. 

Can we all agree that Marsh has utterly failed in this regard?

Best,
Chris

Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)
>>> [EMAIL PROTECTED] 07/25/08 8:14 AM >>>
I think we need to ask why so much passion is expended on the question
of invocations to begin meetings of government bodies. I find it hard to
believe that proponents feel legislators will make significantly
different decisions if the form of prayer at the beginning of their
meeting is slightly different. Isn't this really about garnering
government recognition of the validity, or at least respectability, of a
particular religious belief?  Isn't that why it is newsworthy when for
the first time a Hindu or Sikh or Buddhist offers an invocation at city
council or in a state legislature? I suspect that if a quiz were given
to those in attendance, almost no one could repeat any of the content of
an invocation a half hour after it was offered. But they could tell you
who delivered it, or what religious denomination the person represented.
That kind of jockeying for government recognition of particular
denominations-- or for an implicit government statement rejecting
supposed antireligious views-- seems to be just the kind of political
divisions along religious lines that the Establishment Clause was
supposed to prevent.
 
Howard Friedman

________________________________

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] on behalf of Jean Dudley
Sent: Thu 7/24/2008 8:16 PM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]; Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Appeals Court Bans Prayer 'in Jesus' name'




On Jul 24, 2008, at Thu, Jul 24,  2:51 PM, Gordon James 
Klingenschmitt wrote:

> Professors Lund and Essenberg seek the larger question, which I 
> believe seems to involve whether a government can pray, at all.  We 
> all agree individuals can pray, and the First Amendment protects 
> individual speech by private citizens.  But can governments pray?

Ostensibly, one particular form of government can pray;  a 
theocracy.  I suppose a monarchy such as the United Kingdom can pray 
as well, if the monarch is also the head of the state church.  
However, we are a representative democracy, and if *our* government 
prays, the prayer will of necessity be sectarian, and therefore 
exclusionary of other sects, and by default will be endorsing one 
religion over another and thus we have ipso facto a state religion.  
All well and fine it it's *your* religion, but not so fine if its not 
*your* religion.

Perhaps, Mr. Klingenschmitt, your question should be "should 
governments pray?".  To which I would answer a resounding, emphatic, 
"Not just no, but HELL NO!"

Jean Dudley
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