On the burden question -- Religious entities may limit hiring to
co-religionists, and then make their best efforts to enforce religious
norms against employees.  Doesn't that option make the burden of the HHS
policy far less substantial?

I think a common reaction to the religious liberty claim being advanced
here is its leveraging effect on employees who are not of the faith.  So
even if some faiths have a religious mission to serve others, do they
similarly have a religious mission to employ others?  Or is it their
religious mission to impede access to contraception by all, whether or not
of the faith?  If it's the latter, I don't know why their position is any
different from or stronger than taxpayers who don't want to to support what
they see as immoral activity by their government.

On Sun, Feb 12, 2012 at 9:51 PM, Marc DeGirolami <
marc.degirol...@stjohns.edu> wrote:

> Before one gets to how compelling the state's interest is, one needs to
> make a judgment under RFRA about whether the burden is "substantial."
>
> Like Kevin, I'd also like to know how supporters of the mandate would
> characterize this burden as incidental, as opposed to "substantial," as the
> latter term is used in the RFRA.  In the face of a claimant's sincere
> argument (if we may stipulate to sincerity) that the burden of complying
> with a regulatory scheme which coerces it to purchase a health plan that
> covers products and services as to which it has a conscientious objection
> is substantial (I am assuming that the alteration announced by the
> President on Friday retains this basic structure, though I am uncertain
> about that), what are the arguments that would be advanced to support the
> case for the burden's non-substantiality?  Would supporters of the mandate
> rely on an understanding of Catholic theology?  Would they claim that those
> who object have not understood well their commitments to the doctrine of
> "cooperation with evil" -- or some other religious doctrine -- and that
> courts are in a strong position to assess wh!
>  ich rival understanding is the most plausible?  RFRA, as amended by
> RLUIPA, forecloses an inquiry into the "centrality" of a particular belief
> or practice within a belief system as a means of determining the
> substantiality of the burden imposed on the claimant.  What would a court
> rely on to conclude that, notwithstanding the sincere testimony of the
> claimant about the burden's substantiality, the burden was actually
> incidental?
>
> Marc DeGirolami
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
> conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Walsh, Kevin
> Sent: Sunday, February 12, 2012 9:11 PM
> To: Zietlow, Rebecca E.; Richard Dougherty; Marci Hamilton
> Cc: Con Law Prof list
> Subject: RE: Contraceptives and gender discrimination
>
> Suppose one accepts the argument about incidental burdens. What about the
> RFRA's "least restrictive means" requirement? See 42 U.S.C. 2000bb-1(b)(2).
> Do supporters of the contraceptives mandate concede that it cannot satisfy
> this part of the RFRA and fall back on the no-substantial-burden argument?
> If so, how does that argument go? Or is there instead an argument that
> forcing private employers with religious objections to offer a policy for
> "free" contraceptives is the _least restrictive means_ of providing access
> to low-cost contraceptives?
>
> Kevin Walsh
> ________________________________________
> From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu]
> On Behalf Of Zietlow, Rebecca E. [rebecca.ziet...@utoledo.edu]
> Sent: Sunday, February 12, 2012 8:52 PM
> To: Richard Dougherty; Marci Hamilton
> Cc: Con Law Prof list
> Subject: RE: Contraceptives and gender discrimination
>
> No one is denying a constitutional right to birth control to women.  Lack
> of access to insurance for birth control may effectively bar low income
> women who work for Catholic run institutions from obtaining birth control.
>  However, as we all know, the government has no affirmative obligation to
> subsidize the exercise of any constitutional right.  My point was simply
> that enabling those women to have effective access to birth control is a
> strong enough government interest to justify any incidental burden on
> Catholic run institutions imposed by the Obama policy.  And, that this is
> an issue that uniquely affects women.
>
> And yes, birth control is often prescribed for reasons other than
> contraception, to treat medical conditions including hormonal imbalances
> etc.
>
> Rebecca Zietlow
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: Richard Dougherty [dou...@udallas.edu]
> Sent: Sunday, February 12, 2012 8:40 PM
> To: Marci Hamilton
> Cc: Zietlow, Rebecca E.; Con Law Prof list
> Subject: Re: Contraceptives and gender discrimination
>
> Perhaps I am missing something major here.  Is someone denying women their
> constitutional right to purchase birth control?  Isn't the only question
> here whether women -- or spouses of men -- working for Catholic
> organizations, can get it for "free"?  (Of course it won't be free for
> anyone, as everyone will be paying higher premiums; insurance companies
> aren't in the charity business.)
>
> Prof. Zietlow I think hit upon a very important aspect of this question.
>  When Viagra was invented/discovered/popularized, and it got insurance
> coverage, that did prompt states to pass their requirement for birth
> control coverage.  But one (not me) might argue that there was a medical
> disability that argued in favor of coverage (is ED covered under the ADA?
>  I honestly don't know).  I'm not aware of the comparable argument for
> birth control, but I am willing to be educated on it.
>
> Richard Dougherty
> On Sun, Feb 12, 2012 at 6:51 PM, Marci Hamilton <hamilto...@aol.com
> <mailto:hamilto...@aol.com>> wrote:
> Rebecca and Lauren are correct.  The bishops are also opposed to
> constitutional rights for women and privacy rights generally.  This is just
> another plank in their platform on these issues.   It is worthwhile to keep
> in mind that this scenario involves constitutional interests on both sides
> at every level and there is a great deal at stake for women generally.  To
> treat the organization's religious claims as though they are the only ones
> to analyze is a gross oversimplification
>
> Marci
>
>
> On Feb 12, 2012, at 7:23 PM, "Zietlow, Rebecca E." <
> rebecca.ziet...@utoledo.edu<mailto:rebecca.ziet...@utoledo.edu>> wrote:
>
> I agree with Lauren that there is a gender equality issue here.  I
> understand that in 2000, the EEOC agreed as well, and issued a ruling that
> employers who provide insurance coverage for Viagra but deny coverage for
> birth control violate Title VII.  The Con law issue is that apparently the
> Catholic church challenged this application of Title VII on free exercise
> grounds and lost in a couple of lower court rulings.  The only thing
> different now is that the Catholic employers are being required to pay for
> coverage, but I think Obama took care of that issue with the policy
> modification on Friday (others may disagree).
>
> This whole scenario has striong implications for women's rights, including
> both sex equality concerns and the constitutional right to use birth
> control.  Wouldn't the government's interest in protecting those rights be
> sufficiently strong to justify the Obama policy if it was challenged by the
> Catholic church as violating the FE Clause?
>
> Rebecca Zietlow
> ________
> _______________________________________________
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> _______________________________________________
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>



-- 
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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