Just a couple of points on the relevance of Lee:

First, I agree with James Oleske that fitting Lee into the analysis is important. I was more concerned in my short comment ( http://ssrn.com/abstract=2296635 ) to make the point that questions such as the for-profit status of the employer should be addressed as part of the compelling interest analysis rather than at the threshold.

Second, as to that compelling interest analysis: The quoted line from Lee needs to be understood, it seems to me, in the light of the Court's more general point about the government's compelling interest in collecting social security (and other) taxes. As I point out in my comment, governmental interest in the religion-based exemptions context should usually be measured "at the margin" and not in toto. Sometimes, though, the government has an interest, even at the margin, in applying a given rule in all cases. The Court in Lee held that the government had a compelling interest, not only in collecting taxes from Lee as such, but in maintaining a "comprehensive" system with "mandatory and continuous participation." This makes some sense, not only for actuarial reasons, but because (I extrapolate here) rendering the tax in some sense "voluntary" would make it more difficult to enforce it against everybody else. (Folks who are being told to pay money to the government justifiably resent it when other folks get a pass.) Moreover, as the Court pointed out, lots of religious groups object to lots of different expenditures to which tax revenue is applied, so that allowing an exemption would open a real floodgate. Given that systemic interest, the Court concluded that trying to carve out a constitutional exception would be infeasible. At that point, the Court had one loose end to tie up: that Congress had in fact legislated an exception for self-employed religious objectors. It was in the context of distinguishing that statutory exception from the claimed constitutional exemption that the Court wrote that: "Self-employed persons in a religious community having its own "welfare" system are distinguishable from the generality of wage earners employed by others. Congress and the courts have been sensitive to the needs flowing from the Free Exercise Clause, but every person cannot be shielded from all the burdens incident to exercising every aspect of the right to practice religious beliefs. When followers of a particular sect enter into commercial activity as a matter of choice, the limits they accept on their own conduct as a matter of conscience and faith are not to be superimposed on the statutory schemes which are binding on others in that activity."

The contraception mandate, it seems to me, is quite different. Most importantly, the religious objectors are not asking to be let off the hook financially. As the government itself emphasizes (to make a different point), contraceptive coverage does not make health insurance more expensive; indeed, it probably reduces net health costs. Thus, neither the financial integrity of the system nor the possible resentment of other employers is at risk. Second, and related, with the exception of folks who might object to any health insurance or medical treatment for that matter (and who are easily distinguishable), there aren't a whole bunch of religious objectors to other specific pieces of coverage waiting in the wings. Therefore, there's no realistic floodgate problem. So while I'm happy to admit that there might be some systemic interest here, it isn't even in the ballpark of the systemic interest in collecting taxes. So.... in the light of that very different context, we're back to asking whether there's a reason to distinguish for-profit from non-profit employers. There might be, for reasons I discuss in the comment. But it's a hard question, and not one that I think Lee resolves.

Regards,

       Perry

On Aug 1, 2013, at 2:35 PM, James Oleske <joleske at lclark.edu<mailto:joleske at lclark.edu>> wrote:

<snip>

Like Professor Laycock's piece, Professor Dane's piece finds fault with overheated claims on both sides of the debate, but I'm most interested in the doctrinal analysis Professor Dane offers in place of the heat. In particular, on the issue of exemptions for for-profit institutions, Professor Dane's analysis begins with a line that, while not explicitly discussing the case, seems to track the approach of the Court in United States v. Lee:

"I do think that the for-profit status of some religious objectors might be relevant, but at the back end – in the analysis of compelling interest – rather than the front end determination of substantial burden."

Professor Dane then notes that arguments can be made for and against making distinctions between small and large businesses in determining the government's interest in denying exemptions (I would only add that the denial of an exemption to a very small employer in Lee may be relevant to further exploration of these arguments). Professor Dane concludes his analysis by stating that a "vital proposition in the conception of religious liberty" is that "believers have at least a presumptive right to live out the commitments of their faith across the whole range of human activity, including the world of business and commerce."

It is this last point that I think would benefit most from being expanded to account for the doctrinal significance of Lee, where the Court identified a competing presumption that comes into play in for-profit cases due to impact on third parties:

"When followers of a particular sect enter into commercial activity as a matter of choice, the limits they accept on their own conduct as a matter of conscience and faith are not to be superimposed on the statutory schemes which are binding on others in that activity. Granting an exemption from social security taxes to an employer operates to impose the employer's religious faith on the employ

<snip>


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