My first thought too was that Justice Scalia wouldn’t have voted for RFRA. 
But there’s another possibility I wanted to flag.  It could be specifically 
about RLUIPA: Justice Scalia’s point was following a variant of the Chief’s 
reoccurring question about how much beard is too much and how to figure out 
a compelling-interest standard with prison deference, and then Justice Kagan’s 
point about dietary conditions in prison costing money and how much money is 
too much, especially given money for meals means prisons have less money for 
security.  So Scalia could have just been thinking about prisons.  I have no 
idea.



I’ve made this point before on the listserv and I don’t want to beat a dead 
horse.  But I’m not entirely persuaded of the view that strict scrutiny has 
some inherent meaning.  That’s the view Scalia takes in Smith, of course. 
But there seem to be at least a few contexts where that’s not true.  Off the 
top of my head: The Roberts v. Jaycees line of cases before Dale, and 
Grutter/Gratz.



It seems to me that this “essentialism” argument has strong strategic 
elements.  If you want strong results under RFRA/RLUIPA, you’ll argue that 
strict scrutiny necessarily has that Guntherian implication (“strict in 
theory, fatal in fact”).  If you want RFRA/ RLUIPA weak, you’ll argue the 
“sensible balances” and deference language.  Of course that’s when the 
argument is over interpretation.  When the argument is about 
constitutionality, the positions flip.  In Cutter v. Wilkinson, it was those 
opposed to RLUIPA who argued for its strength—they took the 
essentialist/Guntherian view because it was the most likely path to 
invalidation.  And, of course, the flipside was equally true: Cutter also 
saw those in favor of RLUIPA argue for its weakness—because a weaker RLUIPA 
would be easier to defend.  (And then the positions flip in Hobby Lobby.)



We did Cutter in class this term.  A student asked if the Supreme Court 
would ever hold RLUIPA unconstitutional as applied.  I said it’s 
theoretically possible, but practically impossible.  Exemptions can violate 
the Establishment Clause, to be sure.  But a court that thinks a particular 
exemption violates the Establishment Clause will simply say that RLUIPA 
doesn’t require it in the first place.  (Unless, of course, the court wants 
to hold RLUIPA unconstitutional.)  I guess this reveals my 
anti-essentialism, but was I wrong?



Best,

Chris

___________________________

Christopher C. Lund

Associate Professor of Law

Wayne State University Law School

471 West Palmer St.

Detroit, MI  48202

l...@wayne.edu

(313) 577-4046 (phone)

(313) 577-9016 (fax)

Website—http://law.wayne.edu/profile/christopher.lund/

Papers—http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=363402



On Sat, Oct 18, 2014 at 4:44 PM, James Oleske <jole...@lclark.edu> wrote:

I'm listening to the replay of the Holt v. Hobbs argument on CSPAN, and was 
struck a moment ago by this comment from Justice Scalia while discussing 
"compelling state interest" standard with the Assistant SG:

"We’re talking here about a compelling State interest. Bear in mind I would 
not have enacted this statute, but there it is. It says there has to be a 
compelling State interest. And you’re ­­ you’re asking, well, let’s balance 
things; let’s be reasonable. Compelling State interest is not a 
reasonableness test at all."



A quick Google search indicates that one of the only places this comment has 
gotten attention is over on Josh Blackmun's blog 
<http://joshblackman.com/blog/2014/10/08/justice-scalia-would-not-have-enacted-rluipa-what-about-rfra/>
 
:



"Is that not significant? He wouldn’t have voted for RLUIPA. Recall that he 
did write Smith. If so, would he also not have voted for RFRA, as applied to 
the federal government (put aside the federalism problems)? That makes his 
[joining the Court's] opinion in Hobby Lobby so much more significant."



In answer to Josh's second question, I tend to think Justice Scalia would 
not have voted for RFRA. Recall, he rejected application of the compelling 
interest test in Smith in part because he viewed it as

"horrible to contemplate that federal judges will regularly balance against 
the importance of general laws the significance of religious practice"



- Jim


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-- 

Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053

Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" ( Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2014))
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

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