No. But disagreements over matters related to sexual morality more broadly -- 
gay rights, abortion, contraception, sex outside marriage, in vitro 
fertilization, etc. -- explains much of the hostility to exemptions and the 
breakup of the coalition that passed RFRA.



On funding, there are many relevant changes: the decline of Protestant-Catholic 
tensions, the evangelicals switching sides, many black parents switching sides, 
the rise of the secular school choice movement. All these things both changed 
the numbers and reframed the issue.



Shameless plug: On the first point, see Sex, Atheism, and the Free Exercise of 
Religion, 88 U. Detroit Mercy L. Rev. 407 (2011). On the second, see Why the 
Supreme Court Changed Its Mind About Government Aid to Religious Institutions: 
It's a Lot More Than Just Republican Appointments, 2008 BYU L. Rev. 275.



Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA 22903
434-243-8546
________________________________
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Ira Lupu [icl...@law.gwu.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, April 26, 2017 7:22 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Trinity Lutheran and the ERISA cases - Do Churches Want Special 
Treatment or Not?

So is it correct to conclude that the struggle over LGBT rights explains 100% 
of any change in public attitudes -- left and right-- about funding and 
regulation of houses of worship? If not, what else explains the change? The end 
of the fight between Protestants and Catholics about public funding of 
religious schools?
On Wed, Apr 26, 2017 at 6:24 PM Laycock, H Douglas (hdl5c) 
<hd...@virginia.edu<mailto:hd...@virginia.edu>> wrote:
I think people are aware that funding may bring more regulation. Judges tend to 
defer to government conditions attached to money, even though some of those 
conditions raise serious questions of unconstitutional conditions.

The fear has lost much of its force in part because of Smith and the 
underenforcement or nonenforcement of state RFRAs. If these institutions are 
going to be regulated anyway, they have less to lose by taking the money. And 
if you look at the history of evangelical schools, where many of these claims 
are coming from, first they fought out the regulatory issues, in mostly 
unsuccessful litigation and in state legislatures and before state boards of 
education. Only after most of those issues were resolved one way or the other 
did they begin to push for equal access to government money.

I’m less certain about this second point, but I think that many of them feel 
that the risk of extra conditions attached to money is smaller than the risk of 
fighting a culture war where the other side is government funded.



Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA 22903
434-243-8546

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>]
 On Behalf Of Eric J Segall

Sent: Wednesday, April 26, 2017 5:17 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics 
<religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu>>
Subject: Re: Trinity Lutheran and the ERISA cases - Do Churches Want Special 
Treatment or Not?

When I worked for DOJ in the late 80's and litigated a major Chapter (now I 
think Title) 2 funding case in San Francisco, the main plaintiff's lawyer was a 
devout 7th Day Adventist who strongly feared government grants to religious 
schools would ultimately dissipate religious freedom. Many religious folks at 
the time held this view. I agree with Marty and Chris that this view seems to 
have largely disappeared.

Best,

Eric

Sent from my iPhone


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