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*13-Oct-2011*

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http://www.southernafricareport.com/News/NewsItemImage.aspx?eiid=11500]

Swaziland’s absolute ruler *Mswati III* was back in South Africa this week
to try to persuade Pretoria to proceed with the R2,4-billion
(USUS$307-million) loan promised to his cash-strapped regime, but minus the
terms and conditions on democratic change.

His clampdown on the Swazi pro-democracy movement has been intensifying
since the week of exuberant anti-government protests in early September,
closely mirroring Mswati’s growing reluctance to entertain even the vaguely
worded democratic reforms required by South Africa as its condition for
granting the loan.

Mswati has balked at signing the memorandum of understanding attached to the
loan. The MoU closely follows the 3 August 2011 statement by South African
Finance Minister *Pravin Gordhan*, reinforcing its prescriptions on fiscal
reform (*Vol 29 No 21*). Its stipulations on democratic change are fluffy by
comparison, with no mention of the sorts of proactive steps Mbabane should
take to move towards democracy, such as unbanning political parties.

Instead the MoU reiterates Gordhan’s call for “broadening the dialogue
process to include all stakeholders” and his description of the role of the
*Joint Bilateral Commission on Cooperation*, which would meet a few times a
year to oversee adherence to the loan conditions. Mswati has rejected both
requirements.

The MoU remains unsigned. South Africa has consequently not paid the first
of the three tranches of the loan, originally envisaged for the end of
August.

Pretoria has said that it will not water down the democracy dividend of the
loan conditions. It has also signalled that it does not want other states to
bail out Swaziland sans conditions on democratic change. Mswati appears to
have sought a loan from Qatar (*Vol 29 No 22*), and in late August his loyal
government point man Prime Minister *Sibusiso Dlamini* visited the
sheikhdom, reportedly to see if it would be an amenable creditor. In this
week’s Qatar-South African bilateral in Pretoria, Qatar Assistant Foreign
Affairs Minister *Saif Maggadam Al-Buainain* denied any knowledge of the
Swazi request.

The fiscal crisis in Swaziland stems in large part from the sudden cut in
revenue from the *Southern Africa Customs Union *(Sacu), which until the end
of last year provided 60% of Swazi government revenue, about 11% of GDP. But
the crisis is systemically rooted in the proclivities of the ruling
autocracy. Rampant state spending sustains the monarchy through direct
annual grants to the king worth R230-million (US$29,4-million), added to
this year by R300-million (US$38,4-million) in upgrades to the network of
royal palaces for the king and his 13 wives.

It also provides bloated salaries and perks for MPs, cabinet ministers and
royals deployed in government, and is otherwise directed on lavish
construction projects, notably the second international airport with its
R2-billion (US$256-million) price-tag.. In addition the state supports a 36
000-strong civil service that imposes a public wage bill of 18% of GDP. *The
International Monetary Fund* (IMF) has refused to provide Swaziland with the
recommendations necessary for it to borrow from the *African Development
Bank* (AfDB) until it starts to comply with spending restraints
proportionate to the shortfalls of Sacu revenue.

But Swaziland’s financial meltdown is more about how the country is run than
about fiscal technocratic checks and balances. Political parties have been
banned in the country since 1973, when the then monarch *King Sobhuza
II* declared
himself supreme ruler, and the lack of democratic oversight in government
has resulted in a system accountable to little but the whims of royal
diktat.

There has been scant pubic information or news reportage in Swaziland on the
details of the loan from South Africa, and nothing concerning the conditions
on democratic reform urged by Pretoria.

On 9 October the *Times of Swaziland*, which reports on Swazi affairs with
an unwholesome appetite for self-censorship and pro-Mswati spin, announced
that South Africa had just declared that it has attached democracy
conditions to the loan, and that the “revelation” was made by Pretoria’s
representative to the United Nations’ Universal Periodic Review on human
rights, which dealt with Swaziland on 4 October.

Swazi government ministers have routinely told the press that the MoU
concerning the loan is still being finalised. What they do not say is that
the king has personally refused to allow the MoU to be signed by his foreign
and finance ministers.

Mswati has tasked his prime minister with finding alternative sources of
funding, including making what have by now become routine appeals to
the *European
Union* to provide budget support. Brussels has made clear that it will not
help bail out the government, citing not just the absence of democratic
accountability on but also the lack of even rudimentary transparent auditing
oversight by Mbabane.

In the meantime the economic meltdown, which is further buffeted by the
international financial crisis, is affecting an ever-widening range of
sectors, including health, education, transport, the judiciary and, most
recently, the country’s vital food processing industry. At the beginning of
October *Swaziland Fruit Canners* announced that it would close at the end
of the month, with a loss of 498 jobs The company, which was bought by the
Western Cape-based *Rhodes Food Group* in 2008, announced that it has
recently started to run at a loss.



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-- 
*Lucky Lukhele- SSN spokesperson*
*Tell:011 339 3621*
*Fax: 0866135762*
*Mobile: 072 502 4141*
*Email: [email protected] *
Skype: lucky.lukhele

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