MSWATI’S BATTLE AGAINST DEMOCRACY

As king Mswati’s royal elections head to their secondary and final stage a
total of five cabinet ministers have already been voted off out of the
eight who stood for the Royal elections, something regarded as the worst
record for former ministers since the 2003 elections, when only four made
it out of seven. This is not surprising, and there is a likelihood that
more former ministers will stumble in the next stage.

MOST UNPOPULAR CABINET

The reason for this lack of faith in what king Mswati regarded as the best
minds in the previous parliament is the king’s failures as the supreme
leader of that group of men and women who have been made scape-goats by the
electorate, albeit deservedly so.

It is no secret that the last five years have been the worst for the
country, with the economy continuing to take a dip, leading to fiscal
challenges which have never been witnessed in the country’s history. In the
midst of these challenges, social expenditure took a back seat while taxes
increased. The king and his cabinet failed to respond to these challenges
effectively, opting for self-aggrandisement instead of frugality.

The upheaval that followed manifested itself in general protests and
industrial action.When it was clear that the general population was opposed
to the policies of the king’s government and expressed this by turning
against cabinet, the national parliament tried to save face by passing an
unprecedented vote of no confidence on cabinet.

VOTE OF NO-CONFIDENCE

Regardless of the apparent lack sincerity in that vote, it has to be hailed
as a bold move by those members of parliament. Unwittingly, they were
passing a vote of no confidence on the king’s leadership. After all, the
Prime Minister and cabinet ministers are appointed by the king to be a
committee of councillors who run errands on his behalf. They therefore do
not make independent decision but rather execute decision made by the king.

It was therefore not surprising that the vote of no-confidence was ignored
by the king. He immediately told his committee of ministers to continue to
report for work. Emboldened by the stance from the powers that be, these
ministers went about their daily business, leaving the country’s Attorney
General, another king’s appointee, to spin the embarrassing stand-off. His
exact words were that the vote of no-confidence was “null and void”.

With the country and the rest of the world watching, the country’s
parliament had the ball in its court. They could either have chosen to
resign en-masse and expose the system for the dictatorship it was, after
all this is what judges of the former Court of Appeal did in 2002 when the
king similarly refused to uphold a judgement against the government.

The parliament reneged on its vote of no confidence, but not without a lot
of heckling and threats behind the scenes from the king’s henchmen. King
Mswati has the power to dissolve parliament at any time without accounting
to anyone. He can neither be sued nor challenged in any way for any
political decision that he makes. These parliamentarians, many of whom were
hoping to return to the next parliament, chose to keep food on their tables
rather than become the heroes they could have been.

After all, many were simply joining the bandwagon, pointing fingers at
their colleagues who were closer to the king, and whom they hoped to
replace if the vote of no-confidence was accepted by the king.

SCAPE-GOATS

It is therefore not surprising that the former ministers of the crown,
associated with the country’s most turbulent times have not fared well in
the parliamentary elections. They will have to watch from the side-lines,
as former politicians, while a new set of parliamentary back-benchers take
their colleagues’ places and others fill the space they left as king
Mswati’s privileged group of advisors.

The person behind their collective failures, meanwhile, will continue to
wreck the country and have a new committee to take the blame for them. This
is the failure of Swazi politics, or rather the current system of
governance, it is a dictatorship through and through but couched up in
window-dressing exercises which the lay-person would not easily discern.

That is one of the reasons why some people continue to participate in the
parliamentary elections; they sincerely hope that their elected candidates
will be part of governing structures. This naivety is endemic in the
country.

To many rural folk, the members of parliament who are elected are expected
to bring development in their communities rather than legislating. When the
king’s government fails to develop those communities, the parliamentarians
are blamed for that and voted out.

The cycle is repeated until a certain idea takes root in the minds of the
electorate,”All politicians are the same, they never deliver.”  The
aspiring candidates are responsible for creating this national scandal.
Instead of telling the truth that they are campaigning to be a part of a
powerless parliament, they make empty promises to the electorate. From
better roads, schools and hospitals to jobs, they promise things they know
well they do not have the power to deliver or even advocate for, because
parliament even in Swaziland is not a nagging chamber.

CALLS FOR DEMOCRACY

Calls for democracy in Swaziland have therefore never been louder or
clearer. Swazis want and need a government of their choosing, which will be
accountable to them. Put simply, they want People Power, to elect their own
executive government and a parliament with actual power. The role of the
monarchy is of no relevance and can only be determined by a population that
truly governs.

The Mass democratic Movement therefore embarked on the most publicised
calls for a boycott of the elections. The motive behind the boycott is
simple, that participation only serves to reinforce the idea that there is
a semblance of authority in the country’s parliament. This call is now
vindicated by the open victimisation of those who proclaimed that they
would change the system from within by running for elections. It seems king
Mswati fears all forms of opposition, regardless of the powerlessness of
the platform from which it comes.

The calls for a boycott are obviously not enough, and ought to be
complemented with more pro-active activities. With or without the boycott,
king Mswati will appoint a new Prime Minister and cabinet in late September
and continue where he left off, using his new group of hungry scape-goats
who are only too eager to be in the presence of a king.

REGIONAL INDEFERENCE

Despite this complete lack of democracy in the kingdom, the Southern
African Development Community will rubber stamp the meaningless outcome and
declare the elections as free and fair. TheSecretary General of the SADC
Parliamentary forum, a certain Dr Esau Chiviya, when quizzed on the nature
of the country’s elections, declared that they were “democratic”. As to how
he came to that conclusion is beyond human comprehension.

The regional heads will act on Swaziland because the country joined the
SADC as a full-fledged dictatorship. SADC was formed by one-party states
who at the time of the organisation’s formation felt it was brotherly to
maintain silence on the internal affairs of each other.

Swaziland is therefore only expected to only maintain the governing system
at the time it joined the regional organization, without any sudden and
“unconstitutional” change of government. This of course is hypocritical
because Swaziland even today is not governed constitutionally but by Royal
decree. Ironically, a coup de tat in the country could lead to it being
expelled from the organization, this renders it nothing but a club used to
preserve the status quo in the region.

THE ROAD AHEAD

Despite these challenges, the Swazi people are gradually coming out of
their shells, questioning belief systems which they once thought were
unquestionable. Fortunately this is more pronounced amongst the people at
grass-roots level. This is partly a result of the technological
developments rendering media censorship useless. Social media and the
internet, still difficult for the state to muzzle, is the leading platform
for sharing of ideas. Attempts are also being made to reach those who may
not have access to these tools.

Although these efforts are small, they are very important and those behind
them are well advised to continue with them. Articulating the powerlessness
of the country’s parliament should not only be done during election year,
it must be a daily exercise. Therefore, as king Mswati celebrates another
“free and fair” if not “meaningless” election, he should be well aware that
he has only won a battle, the war continues and this may well be the last
election the country has under this dictatorship, it all depends on the
efforts of the opposition though.

Lucky Lukhele-

Spokesperson of the Swaziland Solidarity Network [SSN] South Africa chapter

The article was first published by the   Sunday  Independent September 8,
2013 edition
*Lucky Lukhele- *
*Tell:011 339 3621*
*Fax: 0866135762*
*Mobile: 072 502 4141*
*Email: [email protected] *
Skype: LuckyLukhele1
Twitter: lukhelelucky

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