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The Hindu [India]
June 19, 2004
Editorial

REDUCE NUCLEAR RISK WITH PAKISTAN

THAT NUCLEAR WEAPONS in the hands of India and Pakistan have made the 
region a much more dangerous place is in the nature of an axiom that 
only advocates of the discredited doctrine of deterrence will bother 
to contest. Nuclear weapons are weapons of mass destruction, 
instruments of genocide. In India, democratic opinion has always 
regarded such weapons with horror. However, subsequent to the Pokhran 
and Chagai explosions of mid-1998, there has been a concerted effort 
by the so-called strategic affairs community and by influential 
sections of the political establishment to legitimise, even glorify, 
nuclear weapons as acceptable means of achieving regional and global 
power. The sophisms of deterrence theory and false claims made to the 
effect that nuclear bombs are political weapons meant not for use but 
for self-defence and national empowerment have been recruited to the 
job of inuring public opinion to the real implications of producing, 
stockpiling, inducting and deploying these weapons of mass 
destruction. Until Pokhran-II, official Indian policy ranged itself 
firmly against the doctrine of nuclear deterrence. That position was 
subverted by a bizarre South Asian variant: a `minimum credible 
nuclear deterrent' not backed by any coherent doctrinal elaboration. 
An extraordinarily hawkish nuclear doctrine was drafted only to be 
left on hold; nobody knows what India's nuclear doctrine amounts to 
in practice. A fallout from Pokhran was that India's voice was 
virtually silenced on issues of global nuclear disarmament. Indeed 
its establishment became a late convert to the discriminatory global 
nuclear bargain, going so far as to welcome the National Missile 
Defence and Theatre Missile Defence proposals of the United States. 
There was also dubious posturing: India's nuclear weapons, it was 
claimed against the evidence, were not Pakistan-centric.

The new Congress-led Government in New Delhi is yet to indicate its 
nuclear doctrine. However, the Common Minimum Programme adopted by 
the United Progressive Alliance promises that while "maintaining a 
credible nuclear weapons programme," the Government will evolve 
"demonstrable and verifiable confidence-building measures with its 
nuclear neighbours" and, on the international stage, "assume a 
leadership role in promoting universal nuclear disarmament and 
working for a nuclear weapons-free world." Against this background, 
External Affairs Minister Natwar Singh's informal advocacy of a 
"common nuclear doctrine" to be worked out among India, Pakistan and 
China holds much appeal; so far as the first two neighbours are 
concerned, it looks like an idea whose time may have come. The first 
ever official meeting between Indian and Pakistani experts to discuss 
nuclear confidence building measures, which opens in New Delhi today, 
provides an opportunity to identify common ground and work on a 
practical agenda to reduce nuclear risk in South Asia. In this 
connection, an article by M.V. Ramana and R. Rajaraman, both 
physicists, published on the editorial page of The Hindu (June 4, 
2004) made two eminently sensible recommendations that "do not 
compromise national security in any real sense." The first is that 
the Indian Government should offer not to deploy nuclear weapons. The 
second is that it should stop installing early warning systems that 
clearly, in the specific South Asian context where the response time 
is dangerously short, increase the risk of accidental or unauthorised 
nuclear war. These two positive elements could constitute the basis 
of a common nuclear doctrine with Pakistan - and prove far more 
credible, as confidence building measures, than repetitions of the 
`no-first-use' mantra that has virtually no practical value. But a 
red herring must be got out of the way: the quest for some kind of 
nuclear parity with China, which is in a different league and poses 
no strategic threat of any kind - any more than nuclear weapons in 
the hands of the United States, the United Kingdom, France or Russia 
threaten India.
_________________________________

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