------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> 
Make a clean sweep of pop-up ads. Yahoo! Companion Toolbar.
Now with Pop-Up Blocker. Get it for free!
http://us.click.yahoo.com/L5YrjA/eSIIAA/yQLSAA/1TwplB/TM
--------------------------------------------------------------------~-> 


The Hindu
July 02, 2004
Opinion - Leader Page Articles   

When early warning is no warning

By Zia Mian, R. Rajaraman & M.V. Ramana

Early warning systems in South Asia have no significant utility. 
Rather, they increase the danger of inadvertent nuclear war.

AS A concrete step that would reduce nuclear dangers in South Asia, 
we have suggested that both India and Pakistan agree not to install 
nuclear early warning systems (The Hindu, June 4, 2004). This may 
seem counter-intuitive in that such systems are supposed to give 
advance notice of a nuclear attack; it is often argued that this 
warning time is vital for responsible decision-making. For example, 
in his letter to the editor (The Hindu, June 21), S. Lakshminarayanan 
worries that "Without an effective early warning system, we will be 
taken unawares."

The notion of early warning, like the deeply flawed notion of 
deterrence, is a carryover from the nuclear confrontation between the 
United States and the Soviet Union. It refers to the use of radars 
and satellites for detecting a nuclear missile attack under way. 
Detecting the missiles is only the first stage of an early warning 
system. This has to be followed by an assessment of its reliability 
and significance before interpreting it as a real "warning." Once 
confirmed, this `warning' of an imminent nuclear attack needs to be 
conveyed to the appropriate military and political authorities. They 
will need time to consider the situation and determine their response 
- this will involve monumental judgments about the start of a 
possible nuclear war. Since the target of the incoming missile may be 
the military and political leadership itself, all these must happen 
in the time between the detection of the missile and its arrival at 
the target. In the case of the U.S. and the Soviet Union, this entire 
process was forced to fit into the 30 minutes their respective 
missiles would take to reach their target.

We have studied the utility of similar early warning systems and 
decision-making procedures for South Asia. Our assessment of the 
effectiveness of such systems was published in the journal, Science 
and Global Security, last year. We explain here the results of this 
analysis that showed how the combination of missiles travelling many 
thousands of miles an hour and the geography of South Asia allows at 
best a few minutes of warning. We make clear why this is no warning 
at all if there is to be a serious effort at verification of incoming 
signals and the time taken for responsible decision-making. We also 
point out that any early warning system would inevitably generate 
both genuine signals of incoming attack as well as false alarms. In 
the middle of a crisis, such false alarms, combined with the short 
decision time involved, can raise the prospect of technological and 
human error leading to inadvertent nuclear war.

We first estimated the missile flight time between different 
locations in India and Pakistan; examples could be a missile launch 
from Sargodha towards New Delhi or from Agra to Lahore, a distance of 
some 600 km. The shortest flight times come from sending long-range 
missiles to nearby targets. We found that it would take only about 
five minutes for Pakistan's Ghauri and India's Agni missiles to reach 
a target 600 km distant. To protect Delhi or Lahore would require an 
early warning system to work within these five minutes.

The first step is detecting the incoming missile, either by radars or 
special satellites in high altitude orbits. Since India has acquired 
Green Pine, a missile detection radar made in Israel, we looked at 
its capabilities. We found that a missile fired from Pakistan's 
Sargodha Air Force base towards New Delhi may be detected by such a 
radar, placed for instance at Ambala, around a minute and a half 
after launch.

This is just the initial detection. Confirming the signal is real 
takes longer. There are many sources of false and unpredictable 
signals that radars pick up. In the 2003 U.S. war on Iraq, the 
advanced version of the Patriot system reportedly generated many 
false radar signals. The source of the problem can often be mundane. 
Radar systems, for example, have mistaken a flock of birds for a 
missile. Radar signals also bounce off regions of the atmosphere 
where no apparent reflecting sources exist. Weather can also affect 
performance. To be reasonably confident that the radar is indeed 
picking up a missile requires double-checking the signal. This 
includes tracking the object over a period of time to determine its 
path. All this will take some time. In the case of the U.S. and 
Russia, several minutes were allotted for verifying radar signals 
before they were passed on to military authorities. Clearly, the 
five-minute missile flights relevant to South Asia permit no time for 
such a comprehensive verification.

Missile launches can also be detected by special satellites with 
infra-red detectors that detect the intense heat from the exhaust 
plume produced by rocket engines. Neither India nor Pakistan has such 
a system - nor for that matter does China or the United Kingdom have 
it, while France is still seeking to acquire this capability. Even if 
they did, such satellites have problems of their own. The heat 
radiation from the missile plume is absorbed by water vapour and 
carbon dioxide in the lower atmosphere, and scattered by rain and 
dust. Nor does it penetrate clouds. Thus a missile can be reliably 
detected by such a satellite only when it emerges above the clouds, 
which typically takes about a minute. In effect, a satellite would 
provide warning no earlier than a radar in South Asia. This is 
markedly different from the case of the U.S. and Russia, where 
satellites provided several additional minutes of warning. It is 
clear that India or Pakistan would gain little if they acquire or 
develop early warning satellites.

Both the U.S. and Russia have elaborate procedures for nuclear 
warning assessment and decision-making. Technology and operating 
procedures are both fallible and can combine at times to create false 
alerts of early warning systems. Typically every year there were 
about 2,500 false alarms from U.S. early warning systems, due to 
causes varying from swarms of geese to the rising moon. In some 
cases, the time allotted for checking the signal proved insufficient 
to determine that a warning was in fact false.

Though both sides built in time for efforts to verify the data from 
their early warning systems, it must be stressed that assessment and 
decision-making were forced to fit into the available time before the 
missiles descended on the decision-makers. U.S. procedures left its 
President and senior officials only about 10 minutes for deciding 
whether to launch their own missiles. Russian procedures left even 
less: their national command authority is allotted three minutes to 
discuss and authorise permission to launch Russian missiles. Russia 
had serious concerns that these procedures might not work as planned 
and as a fallback installed a "dead hand" that would automatically 
transmit launch orders.

Given that missiles can travel between India and Pakistan in less 
than five minutes, of which a minute and a half would have been lost 
before they are detected, the information from radars (and 
satellites, if ever available) would need to be processed and 
evaluated, decision-makers informed, and action taken within three 
minutes (and at most nine minutes, in the case of very distant 
targets in the region). To put it differently, a false signal would 
need to evade identification only for a few minutes before it leads 
to the possible calamity of a nuclear response based on a mistake.

This is an unprecedented constraint on procedures for evaluation and 
confirmation of any electronic warning (with all its uncertainties) 
and for decision-making about the retaliatory use of nuclear weapons. 
There would, in fact, be barely enough time for the warning to be 
communicated to decision-makers. There would be no time whatsoever to 
consult or deliberate after receiving this warning. There would be no 
decision-making in any meaningful sense of the term.

The available time would not permit anything more than praying before 
"pressing the button." This could only trigger some pre-planned 
response. It could be the launch of one's own nuclear missiles. In 
the event of a false signal, this will start a nuclear war where 
there was none. Alternatively, anti-ballistic missiles could be 
launched in an attempt to shoot down what are believed to be incoming 
missiles. Again, a false warning could potentially lead to disaster, 
since the other side's early warning system might not easily be able 
to distinguish this response from a nuclear attack. Is our faith in 
the infallibility of technology and human judgment so strong that we 
are willing to risk such a catastrophe?

It is these considerations that persuade us that early warning 
systems in South Asia have no significant utility. Rather, they 
increase the danger of inadvertent nuclear war. India and Pakistan 
would do well to agree to abandon the pursuit of such systems.

(The authors are all physicists - Zia Mian is at Princeton 
University, U.S.; R. Rajaraman at Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi; 
and M. V. Ramana at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies in 
Environment and Development, Bangalore.)




_________________________________

SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN):
An informal information platform for
activists and scholars concerned about
Nuclearisation in South Asia.
SAAN Web site URL:
www.s-asians-against-nukes.org

South Asians Against Nukes Mailing List:

To subscribe send a blank message to:
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>


DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SAAN compilers


SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN):
An informal information platform for activists &amp;amp; scholars concerned about the 
dangers of Nuclearisation in South Asia

SAAN Mailing List:
To subscribe send a blank message to: 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

SAAN Website:
http://perso.wanadoo.fr/sacw/saan
[OLD URL: http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NoNukes.html ]

SAAN Mailing List Archive :
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SAAN_/ 
________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SAAN compilers.
aterials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SAAN compilers.
 

Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
     http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SAAN_/

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
     [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
     http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 


Reply via email to