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The News International, September 29, 2004

Pressures for proliferation
by M B Naqvi

Korean peninsula is another flashpoint today with relentless US 
pressure on North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons' programme. 
The US had named North Korea as a member of the Axis of Evil early in 
2002. Although North Korea plays a fiercely independent, almost 
truculent, role, the initiative in causing a grave international 
Crisis lies with the sole superpower that has held the initiative in 
the matter all along.

Although, South Korea too has been found with pants down: its 
scientists have admitted that they had enriched the uranium in the 
past without authorisation. But they claim they later destroyed it in 
a scientific manner. There were also reports with its scientists' 
fiddling with plutonium. This destruction bit of enriched uranium in 
South Korea, as well as 'unauthorised experiment' cannot fail to 
generate doubt. Enrichment of uranium or extraction of plutonium from 
spent reactor fuel would require an unusually big scientific, if not 
industrial, infrastructure, necessitating time, funds and 
bureaucratic facilitation. And all that could take place without 
'authorisation' strains credulity. As for destruction, even if it 
happened safely, or completely, what about the acquisition of the 
know how. That is the critical factor. But this knowledge and skill 
cannot hang in the air. The infrastructure that was used or what 
enabled the so-called destruction of enriched uranium, because of its 
several possible functions - like fabricating reactor fuel - is 
likely to survive, to be used again.

The point is the South Koreans too have announced their acquisition 
of the know how to enrich uranium. In other words, they say: 'don't 
ignore us; we too can go nuclear when we so decide'. It is a stunning 
development. The question is: did US know of this with its 
omnipresent spook agencies? Did it sound any alarm? This possible 
inability to find out can actually hide US approval. The region has 
become some more dangerous and complex.

Indeed the US bears responsibility for actually provoking the current 
Crisis in the region in two ways. First, there was the cancellation 
of 1994 agreement with North Korea by Bush Administration, which must 
have been briefed by CIA that the secretive state was involved in 
proliferation activities, what with US secret services' view of 
Pak-North Korean dealings and the nuclear bazaar created by Dr A Q 
Khan. Whether or not there was truth in these part-rumour and 
part-fact stories, the US must have concluded the worst and walked 
out of 1994 agreement that Clinton Administration had concluded with 
North Korea. This accord was working reasonably well and Korea's 
nuclear programme had remained frozen to the satisfaction of IAEA. 
Bush Administration tore up the agreement in order to insist upon its 
totally abjuring all America-suspected nuclear activities as a 
condition for qualifying for US approval and possible aid. All 
American aid remains suspended.

The N Korea's proud communist regime is gravely apprehensive of 
American intentions. It also acts on a worst case scenario that the 
US may be planning the mischief of regime change; for the rest, it is 
its effort to demonise the regime may be to mount another preemptive 
and largely unilateral invasion. Its reaction was nationalistic and 
truculent. It withdrew from the NPT and announced it is embarking on 
a programme to produce atomic weapons again. That infuriated the US 
further. The world speculates whether the US will actually take 
military action. And that is the heart of the Crisis.

This writer is among the people who do not think that Americans will 
again fight a major war in the Korean Peninsula; the late 1940s and 
1950s experience of such a war was too painful for the US 
decision-makers. North Korea's army is by no means a pushover, even 
for the mighty US war machine. But by creating this Crisis, the US 
may have ensured there will be a nuclear-armed North Korea, which in 
turn, will send South Koreans to their drawing boards. A far bigger 
part of the Crisis, therefore, lies in the reactions to this 
development throughout the Far East of Asia.

Although China and Russia, both closely associated with N Korea 
throughout the cold war years, will not welcome this proliferation, 
they look like being resigned to live with the new reality. The 
question is about how Japan and S Korea will react. Up to a point, 
the reactions of Taiwan and Australia will also matter. These are 
likely to be negative. Most negative will be Japan's. For, Korean 
nationalism, whether of North or South Korea, is instinct with 
painful memories of Japanese occupation and its brutalities. Japanese 
are only too aware of anti-Japanese feelings throughout the Korean 
Peninsula - indeed the barely-suppressed anti-Japanese feelings 
throughout S E Asia, especially the countries that were a part of 
Japanese-sponsored Co-Prosperity Region.

The fact of the matter is that Japan is virtually being urged by the 
US to go nuclear. It will be child's play for it to fabricate any 
number of atomic weapons; it has mountains of fissile material. After 
all full 30 per cent of power in Japan comes from atomic reactors, 
all yielding high value plutonium, fit for being the core of atomic 
bombs. It is true that public opinion in Japan, except for the 
Rightwing of the political spectrum, is solidly against taking to the 
military path again, much less become a nuclear power. But then the 
Rightwing always wins elections and the present Koizumi government is 
an authentic rightist government and its disavowal of nuclear 
ambitions is rich in ambiguity and vagueness and rather weak in being 
emphatic or precise. But the US attitude counts much in Japan and it 
clearly leans towards encouraging the Japanese to take the plunge; at 
least the serious American media gives this message, loud and clear.

But if Japan went nuclear to counter and eventually confront the N 
Koreans, all bets regarding Asia should be off. A remilitarised Japan 
will frighten all SE and FE Asians. The US may, even then, hope to 
remain supreme in Asia's various regions by virtue of its hard 
military power. But various equations and expectations (not to forget 
panic) will create altogether new possibilities, much more 
unpredictable and dangerous.

The Chinese reaction to Japan's emerging as a big military power, 
with big nuclear capability, can be predicted: it will be highly 
adverse. A fierce arms race is sure to follow. New tensions and new 
crises can safely be expected. The question is what is the American 
game plan in encouraging Japan to become a nuclear power - which will 
also mean building a bigger conventional component of military power. 
Would the US want the Asians to use nuclear weapons in the Far East 
for itself to re-emerge as the world's supreme power after ensuring 
the mutual destruction of Asians powers (mainly China and Japan)?

The second pressure for proliferation arises from hard American 
conduct. It not only retains the near monopoly of nuclear arms but 
goes on adding to their destructiveness by constant up-gradation and 
invention of new types of weapons, some miniaturised and some related 
to what it calls Missile Defense. This is vertical proliferation. For 
most of nuclear have nots - mostly in the third world - the American 
ukase is: "don't"; further proliferation is bad while its own atomic 
stockpiles are good for humanity. Every self-respecting people are 
apt to point out America's double standards, as one noted earlier in 
this space. It is a provocative position: 'I am entitled to have 
atomic weapons because I am who I am; but you cannot aspire to this 
status; you are not responsible enough'.

There is enough indication that North Korea has been willing to 
compromise. It needs one. It is an economy in transition from rigid 
command economy to letting the market determine prices. It is 
reducing state's role. But it is passing through a bad patch. There 
is wide-scale unemployment and many industrial units of this 
essentially industrial economy are closing down thanks to the 
competition from cheap foreign foods. A few years ago natural 
disasters caused a famine, made worse by American sanctions. The 
unemployed are heading toward villages, where too employment is 
scarce. N Koreans would, there are all the indicators, give up their 
nuclear option if only enough food, fuel and a few other necessities 
are reliably made available to them after credibly withdrawing the 
implicit war threats by the US.

The Chinese remain the best mediators. They have Russians' support 
and both of them have residual affinity with N Korea. The Chinese 
think they can broker a deal if the US does not act too 
high-handedly. So far the Japanese too, despite their understandable 
apprehensions, would much prefer a deal with N Korea, obviating 
furious arms races in the region in the nuclear sphere. It all 
depends on the US whether there will be a peace-promoting settlement 
of this Crisis; it only requires some political restraint and some 
economic aid from America.

Trouble with the US is it uses its political clout to ensure economic 
benefits for itself. Iraq is an example. All the lucrative contracts 
have gone to big American companies, often connected with political 
leaders. It has riled the Europeans. German and French contractors 
were left out in the cold because their governments had opposed 
America's War on Iraq.

Americans were insisting until very recently that the six powers - 
the two Koreas, China, Russia, US and Japan - meet in September in 
Beijing; they were against further delays; their eyes were on 
November's Presidential elections. Even N Korea is keenly interested 
in US polls. While the US wants a N Koran promise of abjuring the 
nuclear option now, the N Koreans want to show their cards when it is 
sure whether Kerry is the new US President or Bush continues. What is 
wrong with a February 2005 conference in Beijing?

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