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Dawn
May 16, 2005

Vajpayee's nuclear winter
By Jawed Naqvi

"I'M NOT sure what weapons will be used in World War III, but World 
War IV will be fought with sticks and stones," said Albert Einstein. 
There are of course other valid reasons also to be wary of nuclear 
weapons. History has shown, when the time comes, nuclear prowess can 
neither save governments that harness it nor ensure the survival of 
nation states that exult in its false security. India marked the 
seventh year of its misplaced nuclear tests last week. One 
instructive way of looking at the event could be that it was the 
first anniversary of the1998 tests when their author, the mighty BJP, 
was wallowing in oblivion, worsened by a debilitating factious war.
True it has taken six scorching long years for the mindlessly 
jingoist party to be given the boot. But the fact is that it was 
thrown out in a shock verdict by the very people it pretended to 
protect from goodness knows what. In any case there is ample hint 
here that by conducting the May 11 and 13 tests in Pokharan, the BJP 
was neither able to endear itself to the popular will of India nor 
did it become apolitically invincible party it had set out to become.
For lesser mortals like Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who could not 
resist the lure of tit-for-tat patriotic fervour, the lesson from 
history was harsher still. His nemesis came in military uniform to 
hoist him by his own petard. Mr Sharif could survive in power for no 
more than one mere anniversary of his rush of blood. Worse, his post 
Chaghai months were tainted for the most part by political 
miscalculations as also by a widely condemned military brinkmanship 
that came with the Kargil standoff. Closer home, Prime Minister 
Indira Gandhi had to use an unpopular emergency route to rule India 
in the summer of 1976, exactly two years after she inaugurated 
India's first atom bomb.
Here was a mighty leader, deified as Durga, the goddess of power, by 
Mr Vajpayee no less for her part in the creation of Bangladesh 
in1971. What then forced her to rush into a nuclear test in 1974? If 
it was for the good of the country as everyone claims the people of 
India seem to have missed the point. For they summarily rejected her 
when she did hold the elections in 1977. Mr. Vajpayee too had lost 
three key state elections for his party - in Madhya Pradesh, 
Rajasthan and Delhi - within four months of Pokharan II. If the two 
self-deluding leaders of South Asia - Messrs Sharif and Vajpayee - 
who bequeathed to their nations a dangerous and risky nuclear legacy 
have been dispatched to political oblivion, the fiendish illusion of 
nuclear weapons had conjured fatal tricks even earlier. The crumbling 
into pieces of the mighty Soviet Union less than a decade before the 
advent of South Asia nuclear upstarts remains a prime example of the 
hollow prowess of nuclear weapons. Here was a superpower, with 3,800 
strategic offensive nuclear warheads in its arsenal, that lay 
spread-eagled. Is the United States with 4,500 such warheads any more 
secure as a nation because of its nuclear arsenal?
Robert McNamara, secretary of state with President Kennedy, was 
privileged to have a cockpit view of the Cuban missile crisis of 
October 1962 when the world, according to him, "came within a hair's 
breadth of nuclear disaster."
Today Mr McNamara has become a staunch critic of what he admits is 
his country's hypocritical approach to nuclear disarmament at the 
ongoing NPT review conference. He feels that even as the United 
States goes around prohibiting some selected countries from acquiring 
nuclear weapons, many are not sure if the United States has a 
legitimate argument.
"Keeping such large numbers of weapons, and maintaining them on 
hair-trigger alert, are potent signs that the United States is not 
seriously working toward the elimination of its arsenal and raises 
troubling questions as to why any other state should restrain its 
nuclear ambitions," Mr. McNamara observes in the latest Foreign 
Policy journal.
Mr McNamara worked on issues relating to US and Nato nuclear strategy 
and war plans for more than 40 years. "During that time, I have never 
seen a piece of paper that outlined a plan for the United States or 
Nato to initiate the use of nuclear weapons with any benefit for the 
United States or Nato. I have made this statement in front of 
audiences, including Nato defence ministers and senior military 
leaders, many times. No one has ever refuted it."
As India and Pakistan continue to gloat over their supposedly 
foolproof nuclear command and control system, Mr. McNamara indicates 
that these could be tall claims. He illustrates the point with 
examples to show how nearly impossible it could be to avoid accident 
seven for the more experienced nuclear powers. "Only a few years ago 
did we learn that the four Soviet submarines trailing the US Naval 
vessels near Cuba each carried torpedoes with nuclear warheads," he 
recalls. "Each of the sub commanders had the authority to launch his 
torpedoes. The situation was even more frightening because, as the 
lead commander recounted to me, the subs were out of communication 
with their Soviet bases, and they continued their patrols for four 
days after Khrushchev announced the withdrawal of the missiles from 
Cuba." Mr. Vajpayee complained recently that as former premier he has 
not much work to do. Well, as he wades through the political 
equivalent of a self-inflicted nuclear winter, Mr. Vajpayee would do 
well to ponder the disastrous consequences of his indiscretions of 
May 1998, which still reverberate menacingly across a seriously 
worried world.


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SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN):
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