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The Economic and Political Weekly August 6, 2005 Commentary DAE's GAMBIT The Department of Atomic Energy has been vigorously trying to extract uranium from different ores across the country in the hope of feeding an expanded nuclear power programme. However, it faces resistance from local people wherever it wants to set up uranium mines. In Jharkhand, where mining is already taking place, there has been opposition in new areas where the DAE hopes to mine uranium. by Xavier Dias By 2015, India plans to increase nuclear energy productions from the present 2 per cent to 20 per cent; for this target to be met the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) and its undertaking the Uranium Corporation of India (UCIL) has to produce the uranium. But in the past 15 years they have not been able to open a new1 mining site. With 10 years to go and the gestation period of establishing a productive uranium mine not less than 10 years, the anxiety seems to be bearing on top brass of the DAE. In such desperation there appears to be no revision of policy in light of the changed global environment. The shortage of uranium is one reason why the government was anxious to strike a deal with the US on nuclear power. With the old policy in operation the DAE may be creating an ugly situation for itself and endangering a huge innocent population. Self-Reliance Redundant Uranium was a strategic metal till the early 1980s. It may be surprising to know, but the strategic value of aluminium or alumina or bauxite has climbed up,2 whereas that of uranium has moved down. With the end of the cold war, the opening up of the Balkan states, the price of uranium in the international market has fallen and it is available not only off the shelf but on the net as well. But DAE seems to be still following the policy of the mid-1970s when self-reliance was the mantra. With the exception of the state of Meghalaya, at all the sites where the atomic mineral division of the DAE has explored, the quality of ore is of extremely low grade (less than .02 per cent). Yet DAE is opening new mines in these low grade areas. Is this a sign of desperation or is it motivated by the massive budgets they have (over Rs 2,000 crore a year).3 Does the DAE want uranium or is it acting similar to other government development programmes, now known as the 'March loot' syndrome. If the latter is correct then they may be doing more harm to national security and self-reliance. Besides squandering public funds they could reduce the industrial city of Jamshedpur to a 'sacrificed country' in the way the Manhattan project did in New Mexico, US. In such a scenario those resisting these new uranium mines may not only have something important to say but could correct this absurd course being taken by DAE. Stiff Public Resistance Nalgonda In the past years wherever DAE has set foot to open a new mining project it has faced one setback after another. The Indian public is now much more aware of the ill-effects of radiation and does not accept DAE's assurances to the contrary. In Nalgonda, AP, due to a good coordination by the Movement against Uranium Project (MAUP),4 a Hyderabad-based NGO, the AP pollution board refused to give an no objection certificate (NOC) to the mine there. UCIL had to approach the central government for a second public hearing. Meghalaya In Meghalaya too, there has been stiff resistance since 1992 and UCIL has not been able to convince the public and win over the dissent. Besides the state comes within the VI Schedule of the Indian Constitution which vests more rights including the mineral rights to the tribal land-holders. Acquiring land here needs the approval of the district tribal council as 95 per cent of the lands in the state are owned by tribal peoples. In 1991 DAE had managed to hoodwink the council and get its NOC for Atomic Mineral Division (AMD), prospect in Domiasiat west Kashi hills, but when the tribal leaders came to know about this, they immediately put pressure on the council, which then withdrew the NOC as well as any plans to give their lands for mining. UCIL went on a publicity blitz to convince the people of Meghalaya that the mining of uranium is safe and will lead to the development of the state. Last year, they invited a delegation of political leaders to visit Jadugora in Jharkhand to see and experience the facilities they provide to their workers at the newly constructed Narwarpahar colony. The delegations comprising two members from the Meghalaya assembly and one each from the Khasi Students Union (KSU) and Meghalaya People's Human Rights Council (MPHRC) were flown in. The tour was conducted in total secrecy. Outside calls were barred. The local press from Jamshedpur was not allowed to meet them and even refused entry into Narwarpahar colony. On hearing this the delegates were not only disgusted but concluded that UCIL must have something to hide. Thus UCIL failed to impress upon the delegation that its operations are safe and mining in Meghalaya would result in the development of the state. After returning to Shillong, they refused to give their consent. It was a public relations fiasco for UCIL and DAE. As this paper is being written (June 2005) another delegation of the Meghalaya assembly is in Jadugora. To mine in Meghalaya, DAE will have to change the provision of the VI Schedule of the Constitution. Jadugora-Badhuranga Facing setbacks in Nalgonda and Meghalaya they have decided to bulldoze their way in Jharkhand. On March 25, 2004 the Jharkhand state pollution control board (JSPCB) had called for a public hearing for a mining and ore processing mill at Badhuranga near Jamshedpur. UCIL decided to use strong arm tactics to put down dissent. They brought in the paramilitary Rapid Action Force, armed with AK47s dressed in battle gear, besides the state police and the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), and notorious mafia members from Jamshedpur. To get their men into an aggressive mood, a free bar was set up just behind the tent where the JSPCB members were seated. Liquor was distributed to one and all. The contractor lobby was also present with its own musclemen. It was in this intimidating set-up that the frightened adivasis had to voice their feelings about giving up their lands and livelihoods for the project. The chairman of the JSPCB failed to act impartially and manipulated the meeting in such a way that those who opposed the project were not allowed to speak. Despite the show of muscle and steel there was a strong voice of opposition at the hearing. In April this year even before reaching any settlement with the villagers and even before getting the NOC from the pollution control board they started construction activity in Baduranga. Unlike in Jadugora and Turamdih where lands were taken over under the draconian Land Requisition Act, this time UCIL notices were served under the Atomic Energy Act. Comparatively, the AEA is more civil. It clearly states that purchase of lands has to be negotiated. But UCIL instead of meeting villagers for a negotiation, served notices for requisition of lands through the district administration. The villagers had resisted the entry of the company all these months but on May 16, 2005, accompanied with the police and CISF they started bulldozing the 'Jaherstan' (sacred grove) of the adivasis. This hit a sensitive nerve and brought all the adivasis from the sourrounding villages too in protest. The villagers resisted and fought to save their Jaherstan resulting in some officers getting beaten up. Thus, in a peaceful area UCIL has spawned a conflict. The sentiments and beliefs of the adivasis in their Jaherstan are as sacred as any other religious community to their own sacred places. This disregard for the sensitivities of the adivasis by a public sector undertaking is deplorable and a reflection that officers from an elite establishment such as DAE can be callous. The villagers are filing a case against the general manager of UCIL under the SC/ST Atrocities Act for dereliction of their religious place even though their confidence in the judicial system has worn out. Twenty years ago when plans were afloat to start mining operations in Turamdih and Badhuranga, a number of outsiders, mainly non-adivasis, purchased small plots of lands in both these villages. Their intention was to get a locus standi and then claim permanent jobs in the company. Today it is these outsiders who are eager to sell their tiny plots to UCIL in return for jobs. And it is UCIL which is using these outsiders to project to the state administration, the press and the public that the 'local' villagers want the project. UCIL's undemocratic strategy at the public hearings has backfired, it may become a victim of its own game plan. The adivasis of all these areas are now consolidating and uniting against the company. Turamdih Controversy Presently UCIL has mines at Jadugora, Bhatin and Narwarpahar. On January 26, 2004, it inaugurated Turamdih with much fanfare. The Turamdih project is controversial, abandoned 15 years ago on grounds of economic non-viability, where as it is now when prices of uranium have fallen. This step in itself leads one to believe that DAE has no rational policy and is possessed with only expending the budget they have. In such an absurd situation DAE is earning the wrath of the adivasis. The villagers had formed the Turamdih Vistapit Sangh,5 and this body together with the well known Jadugora movement launched a long and militant movement against the opening of this mine. For the Jadugora movement this was a big challenge. Having inspired and supported the resistance movements in Meghalaya and Nalgonda it was well oiled to handle Turamdih. The awareness about the hazards of uranium mining nationally and internationally had grown. The company promised jobs to 26 of the village youth. The lure of permanent jobs and the perquisites that come with them, created a division within the movement. A majority of the villagers were against the mine. All the women and village elders were determined not to give up their agricultural lands, sacred groves and dwellings of the spirits of their ancestors called 'Sarna'. But a handful of young men of the village had their way. Only after handing over their lands did they realise that they had been deceived. A majority 'failed' the medical test and therefore were given daily wage jobs as contract labour, not in UCIL but in another company Bharat Gold Mines (BGM), undertaking a turnkey job. Thus, UCIL managed to teach the villagers an important lesson, and this has united them with the struggles going on in the other two areas, Baduranga and Bagjanta. Bagjanta After Turamdih and Baduranga, UCIL has set its eyes on yet another mine. Bagjanta near the closed Musabani Copper Mines of HCL. Here too they stage-managed the public hearing on October 20, 2004. On May 27, 2005, before acquiring the lands or paying any compensation to the villagers, or getting the NOC from the JPCB, UCIL directly entered the village and started putting up fences. Revolts are now brewing wherever UCIL is setting foot. The strategy of the UCIL management has been to divide the adivasis, co-opt their leadership and set up the outsider settlers against them. This strategy goes against the times. A public sector corporation cheating the adivasis? Creating social conflict instead of social responsibility? The Jadugora movement brought to the world stage the results of uranium mining on their people. Birth deformities, miscarriages, rare cancers, early deaths. After undergoing so much of pain and suffering in Jadugora, do they not have a right to say that they do not want more and more of their people to be sacrificed? Do these adivasis have any rights? The DAE has brought conflict into a peace loving adivasi population. It may 'handle' or 'manage' this. What will become of Jamshedpur? Uranium mining is so hazardous that no where in the world will you find them near human habitation. But this state monopoly has not only been mining alongside habitation, but has opted for the open pit technology. Open pit technology for uranium is considered economically cheaper and less dangerous for the worker. But this is for the simple reason that in an open pit mine, the radon gas that is continuously being emitted gets better ventilation than an underground mine. What this also means is that from the mine pit, the gas will flow into the surrounding air. This is potentially a major health risk for the people living in Jamshedpur and its environs, which are in close proximity to Jadugora and the uranium mines. Notes 1 Turamdih is an abandoned mine reopened in January 2004. 2 Mines and Mineral Review. 3 This budget is only for the mines division. If the other divisions 'budgets' are included and the cost of construction of the mines mills, etc, it will work out to be much higher. 4 For more information visit www.miningcommunities.org 5 Organisation of Displaced People of Turamdih. _________________________________ SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN): An informal information platform for activists and scholars concerned about Nuclearisation in South Asia South Asians Against Nukes Mailing List: archives are available @ two locations May 1998 - March 2002: <groups.yahoo.com/group/sap/messages/1> Feb. 2001 - to date: <groups.yahoo.com/group/SAAN_/messages/1> To subscribe send a blank message to: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> South Asians Against Nukes Website: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN): An informal information platform for activists and scholars concerned about the dangers of Nuclearisation in South Asia SAAN Website: http://www.s-asians-against-nukes.org SAAN Mailing List: To subscribe send a blank message to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] SAAN Mailing List Archive : http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SAAN_/ ________________________________ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SAAN compilers. 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