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The Hindu
Oct 11, 2005
Book Review



Neocon lite nuclear agenda

SIDDHARTH VARADARAJAN

A liberal counter-proliferation Bible whose 
selective implementation will likely leave the 
world more unequal - and dangerous



UNIVERSAL COMPLIANCE -- A Strategy for Nuclear 
Security: George Perkovich, et al; Carnegie 
Endowment for International Peace and India 
Research Press, B-4/22, Safdarjung Enclave, New 
Delhi-110029. Price not stated.

Ask international security experts to identify 
the principal nuclear threat facing the world 
today and most would likely say Iran or North 
Korea, or perhaps even India and Pakistan. Apart 
from terrorists getting hold of nuclear weapons, 
the `danger' posed by the spread of technology to 
enrich uranium (for use as fuel to power civilian 
power reactors) would also figure near the top of 
the list since the same technology, once 
mastered, could be used to produce 
highly-enriched uranium for nuclear bombs. Few 
experts, however, would be willing to point their 
finger at the U.S. and the other four `official' 
nuclear weapon states (NWSs), which maintain 
arsenals big enough to blow us all up many times 
over, and then some.

Of these, the U.S., in particular, poses a unique 
threat as it is actively developing new, more 
`effective' nuclear weapons, and adheres to a 
doctrine and force posture which emphasises the 
use of nuclear weapons. Its missile defence 
programme also raises the prospect of a new 
nuclear missile race as well as the 
militarisation of space. Moreover, the doctrines 
of `pre-emptive war' and `regime change' 
propounded by the Bush administration in the wake 
of its aggression against Iraq in 2003 have 
degraded the security environment - particularly 
in Asia - to the point where the nuclear option 
has begun to look attractive for some states once 
again. A case in point is North Korea, which sees 
the possession of nuclear weapons as a hedge 
against any aggressive U.S. designs.

Proliferation scenario

In Universal Compliance, George Perkovich and his 
colleagues at the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace have taken a step towards 
recognising the integrated nature of the 
proliferation problem - and the negative role 
that current U.S. nuclear weapons policies play. 
And yet, their study falls short. Principally, 
the authors fail to appreciate that much of the 
Bush administration's policies worldwide are 
driven less by genuine proliferation concerns and 
more by a wider set of hegemonic impulses which 
are vitiating the security scenario around the 
globe, particularly in Asia. This naïveté on the 
part of Perkovich, et al leads them to recommend 
measures to restrict the right of sovereign 
countries to peaceful nuclear technology, as well 
as an expansion in the role of the five permanent 
members of the U.N. Security Council as global 
enforcers. The authors don't fully see eye to eye 
with some of Washington's current policies but, 
at the end of the day, have come up with 
Counterproliferation Lite, a slightly less mad 
version of the neocon agenda minus the mini-nukes 
and space-based missile interceptors.

The book's title refers to the authors' desire 
for universal compliance with "the norms and 
rules of a toughened nuclear nonproliferation 
regime." (original emphasis) This, in turn, 
involves six obligations: make non-proliferation 
irreversible, by banning the acquisition of 
nuclear fuel cycles by additional states and 
making it difficult for countries to quit the 
NPT; devalue the political and military currency 
of nuclear weapons by diminishing the role of 
such weapons in security policies; secure all 
nuclear materials through robust standards of 
accounting and monitoring of fissile material; 
stop illegal transfers; commit to conflict 
resolution so that the states involved have no 
reason to pursue nuclear weapons; solve the 
`three-state problem' of accommodating India, 
Pakistan and Israel as de facto nuclear weapon 
states by persuading them to accept 
non-proliferation obligations.

After dealing with strengthened enforcement 
through the institutionalisation of tough (and 
endless) inspection mechanisms of the kind seen 
in Iraq (Unscom/Unmovic), and the use of force, 
the book moves on to the importance of `Blocking 
Supply'. This section consists, inter alia, of 
recommendations on stopping the spread of 
enrichment technology, and the use of the 
Proliferation Security Initiative to interdict 
shipping on the high seas.

Twin goals



In the chapter on `Abating Demand', Perkovich, et 
al state that the twin goals of U.S. nuclear 
policy should be "to prevent new actors from 
acquiring nuclear weapons and to reduce toward 
zero the risk that those who have these weapons 
will use them." They then ask how these two goals 
should be pursued. "Two radically different 
approaches have been advanced: to acquire new 
nuclear weapons with more usable characteristics, 
thus to dissuade proliferators; and to 
de-emphasise and devalue nuclear weapons, thus to 
strengthen the norm against their acquisition and 
use." The authors favour the second approach, 
though their recommendations have absolutely zero 
traction with either the Bush administration or 
the Congress.

Turning to specific regional issues, Perkovich, 
et al recommend that India and Pakistan be 
encouraged to "cease uranium enrichment and 
plutonium separation, in return for ending 
international restrictions on nuclear technology 
and fuel service cooperation." They also call on 
the U.S. to "promote stable conventional force 
balances in the subcontinent" and between India 
and China, and to "not provide U.S. weaponry 
capable of delivering nuclear weapons such as 
fighter-bombers or of destabilizing the strategic 
balance, such as ballistic missile defence." On 
missile defence and fighter-bombers, the authors 
are clearly out of sync with the Bush 
administration, though their suggestion on 
plutonium separation echoes the recent call made 
by analysts close to the Bush administration to 
use the July 18 Indo-U.S. nuclear deal to wean 
India away from its plutonium-breeding 
three-stage nuclear power programme. Incredibly, 
Perkovich et al also argue that India and 
Pakistan should be denied access to new 
safeguarded reactors unless they sign the NPT as 
non-nuclear weapon states.

Limiting proliferation

If there is one flaw in the book's analysis, it 
is the preoccupation with controlling the nuclear 
fuel cycle as a key means of halting 
proliferation. As the authors themselves note, no 
less than 46 countries today have stocks of 
weapon-usable uranium. The list includes 
Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Germany, Italy, 
Japan, Netherlands, South Africa, South Korea, 
Vietnam and many others. The fact that only nine 
have made weapons suggests the key to limiting 
proliferation lies in creating a stable security 
environment so that countries with the capacity 
have no conceivable incentive to go down the 
weapon route. In other words, the original sin is 
not proliferation but aggression or the threat of 
aggression - a subject the U.S. is quite familiar 
with.

Is Iran pursuing enrichment in order to build a 
bomb? International inspections have found 
nothing though, technically, the jury is still 
out. Perkovich, et al counsel the U.S. to tell 
the Iranian Government that it "will not pursue 
regime change through military action" if Tehran 
"verifiably forswears acquisition of capabilities 
to produce materials that can be used in nuclear 
weapons." In other words, Iran must give up its 
legal rights to technology put to verifiable 
civilian use or else face military action. Even 
if Iran accepts this, the authors are not even 
prepared to rule out regime change through 
non-military means such as subversion or 
sanctions. How such an approach can be called a 
"strategy for nuclear security" is beyond 
comprehension.






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