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rediff.com
December 28, 2005

The Rediff Interview/Dr Arjun Makhijiani

India should choose Iran, not US


Dr Arjun Makhijani, president of the Institute for Energy and 
Environmental Research and one of the leading technical nuclear experts 
in the United States, believes that even if India gets everything it 
wants under the US-India civilian nuclear agreement signed by President 
George W Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on July 18, it would 
still be only a tiny fraction of the oil and gas it could obtain from 
Iran to meet India's growing energy needs.

It is not, Dr Makhijani argues, therefore worth jeopardizing India's 
relationship with Iran by voting with the United States against Tehran 
at the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Dr Makhijani, a PhD specialising in nuclear fusion, has since 2004 
served as one of the principal members of a team providing technical 
support to the President-appointed Advisory Board on Radiation and 
Worker Health. He has also served on the Radiation Advisory Committee of 
the US Environmental Protection Agency from 1992 to 1994 as well as 
several other scientific advisory committees.

He has authored, solo or as part of a collaborative effort, numerous 
reports and books on energy and environmental issues. He was principal 
author of the first study of the energy efficiency potential of the US 
economy published in 1972, and principal editor of Nuclear Wastelands: A 
Global Guide to Nuclear Weapons Production and Its Health and 
Environmental Effects, published by MIT Press in July 1995, which was 
nominated for a Pulitzer Prize by MIT Press.

He has also on numerous occasions testified before the US Congress, and 
has appeared on ABC World News Tonight, the CBS Evening News, National 
Public Radio, CNN, BBC, C-SPAN, and CBC.

You and your organisation have done extensive technical research on 
nuclear energy and civilian nuclear reactors. What is your take on the 
US-India civilian nuclear agreement?

First of all, it is not as yet an agreement, since there will be many 
obstacles in the US Congress as you know. Secondly, even if it is 
approved by Congress, it is not going to make a material difference to 
India's electricity scene.

If you look at India's electricity goals, which is 20,000 megawatts by 
2020, the whole of the nuclear energy sector will at best contribute 10 
to 12 percent of the total requirement even if everything goes as planned.

For this, India seems to be giving up, or at least jeopardising, a much 
larger and more sure source of energy, one that could provide 
electricity more competitively than nuclear, which is natural gas from 
Iran. So it (the US-India nuclear deal) does not look like a very good 
deal, even just on economic terms, never mind the other political or 
strategic considerations.

'National interest is at stake'

You said nuclear energy will by 2020 fill maybe about 12 percent of 
India's energy needs. Currently, the nuclear component contributes three 
percent.

It is about three percent now, (but) in fairness, in the first few 
decades, India's nuclear energy sector had many serious problems leading 
to chronic underperformance and high cost. In the last few years, the 
performance of the nuclear energy sector has considerably improved. But 
it still remains -- for the effort, economic as well as political that 
has been put into it -- a very low figure. The damage from 
under-performing nuclear plants in the electricity sector has not been 
properly assessed in India.

Can you give me concrete examples of under-performing nuclear power plants?

For example, the Rajasthan nuclear power plants, which were chronically 
under-performing in the 1980s and 1990s, were in the context of the 
electricity sector overall, quite weak. And so when you have important 
power plants that go down or offline most of the time or much of the 
time, what happens is that it has a disproportionate impact on industry.

It's not like a light going off in the house when the electricity goes 
out, and when it comes back on the light just comes on. These plants 
have to be started up very carefully, and with a certain procedure that 
is very costly and lengthy. So the impact of an under-performing and 
unreliable nuclear energy sector on Indian industry has been very 
significant.

The most important thing in the electricity sector in India is not the 
cost of electricity -- it's the unreliability of electricity. And, the 
fact that power is unreliable in India is one of the reasons that China 
gets a lot more investment despite higher costs. If you look at where 
corporations invest abroad, they don't invest in the cheapest labour 
places or even necessarily in places where they have more skilled labor, 
they invest in places where they can surely perform their jobs.

That is why Indian software is not a very big deal -- they can invest 
there because the performance of the software sector does not depend 
that much on large scale electricity supply. You can have emergency 
generators; it's not costly to do that. But the performance of a heavy 
industrial sector does depend on large scale supply of electricity. So 
it's very damaging to have the kind of lackadaisical approach to 
electricity that we have in India.

But isn't this an argument that the Indian government itself is making, 
that it has to get the power sector going if the economic growth rates 
are to be maintained? And that in order to do that, addressing the acute 
energy needs is imperative and one way of doing it is to generate 
nuclear energy?

The power sector is much more than a set of generating plants. You have 
to look at the whole sector. The sector has four different pieces in it. 
It has a generating side of course, without which there is nothing -- 
you have to have generation. But it doesn't have to be all centralised 
generation.

Some of it can be medium-scale and some of it can be small-scale, and it 
has to be connected together in a sensible way. The second thing is the 
transmission infrastructure.

The third thing is the distribution infrastructure, and the fourth thing 
is the consuming equipment -- and they are all integral to the power sector.

I'll give you an example. I was part of the US Presidential Energy 
Mission to India in 1994, as an adviser, because I know the Indian 
energy sector as well as the US energy sector. I had no business 
interests. I was just invited, and I saw the Enron project as a looming 
disaster even at the time. But of course, who was listening?

I visited power plants of the National Thermo Power Corporation of India 
at the time and was quite impressed by how well it was run, except one 
thing -- and it was not a problem in the power plant. It was a problem 
in the power sector. I noticed that something called the power factor 
was very low, which means that you are not using your generating 
capacity very well.

You get a low power factor if your transmission and distribution 
infrastructure is weak and more importantly, if your consuming equipment 
is of poor quality, specially your fluorescent lamps and your 
electricity motors.

So I pointed out that improving power can be done relatively cheaply and 
easily, and instead of rushing to import more generation at very high 
prices from contractors like Enron, why not first improve the power 
factor and increase India's effective generating capacity by 5 percent 
-- for a couple of hundred dollars a kilowatt, instead of a couple of 
thousand dollars a kilowatt, which is what nuclear energy will cost. But 
no one was interested.

It's much more sexy and attractive to invite foreigners to build power 
plants than it is to do it with domestic resources that are easily 
available within India's own infrastructure. By the way, I also found 
that the National Thermo Power Corporation was doing a great job, and I 
did not see why India necessarily needed to import so much equipment 
when there is so much domestic industrial capacity -- Bharat Heavy 
Electricals -- and the capacity to build power plants in the National 
Thermo Power Corporation.

I was very impressed with the laboratory as well as the industrial 
infrastructure in India, but it is not used well.

So what are you suggesting in lieu of nuclear reactors?

If there were standards for electric motors in terms of their 
performance, if there were standards for fluorescent lamp ballasts -- if 
we attended to the power factor, then we would be in a better position. 
The other thing is, we have large transmission and distribution losses. 
Some of it is theft, but I think less of it is theft -- theft has also 
become a convenient excuse for bureaucrats. I believe a lot of it is the 
poor infrastructure.

Because of unreliable electricity, a lot of people buy their own 
generator sets. This is very, very wasteful of capital. The local 
generation should be tied up to the grid and if that is done, our 
transmission and distribution losses would go down quite a bit. So India 
must adopt a grid approach, and Western countries will move there 
eventually.

It is very costly to do it here because the infrastructure is so big 
here. So instead of importing larger and larger power plants -- nuclear 
power plants, which are the largest of all power plants, which puts a 
strain on the transmission infrastructure -- India would do well to have 
100 and 200 megawatt natural gas-fired power plants which would 
strengthen the infrastructure and reliability, apart from cost 
considerations.

So I don't believe the power sector has been well thought through. There 
is an ideological commitment to nuclear energy and this is an expression 
of ideology, not an expression of power sector interests.

Are you totally against nuclear energy and India's efforts to enhance 
its output in cooperation with the US?

I believe you have to evaluate every technology on what it is going to 
give you. There is a case to be made for nuclear energy in large 
countries like the US or India or any other large country. In small 
countries, there is not so strong a case -- nuclear power plants are 
just too big.

But you must ask yourself why you want a particular type of power plant 
and where it fits into your infrastructure.

I believe in a situation like India's, there are a number of 
disadvantages. I don't like nuclear energy from a number of difference 
points of view. The first is that it is relatively high cost. I would 
like it because it has zero greenhouse emissions at first approximation, 
and that's a very big advantage of nuclear energy.

But for a country like India, there are a number of disadvantages even 
if you disregard proliferation. The most important consideration is 
reliability.

If you build a 100 megawatt power plant and have too many of them, when 
one of them goes offline, the reliability problems ripple through the 
infrastructure and your power sector will tend to go down, your 
electricity supply will tend to go down more often. This is the 
calculation that is not being done in India.

Reliability is not in the centre of Indian power centre considerations, 
and surprisingly so, because reliability is the number one problem in India.

You spoke about the quest for nuclear energy in India being part of an 
ideological drive. Is it, in your opinion, an ideological drive that 
spans the whole gamut of the overall US-India strategic partnership?

I don't believe it is ideological in terms of the US-India relationship, 
because that is what India wanted to do -- cement the US-India 
relationship, and it seems to have given up quite a lot in the process. 
I think India wanted two things from the US -- nuclear power and support 
for a UN Security Council seat. I don't think the US is ever going to 
support another Security Council member with a veto.

The nuclear energy deal itself is going to be very tough and many of 
India's friends in the US Congress are asking questions.

The ideological commitment to nuclear energy goes back to a different 
era. It goes back to two things -- one of which was a kind of 
ideological disease that was pretty much global, centred in the United 
States and the Soviet Union, which is that nuclear energy is going to be 
a magical energy source that is going to solve all of mankind's problems.

So the ideological commitment, vis-à-vis India, goes back to the 1940s 
with Homi Bhabha and (Jawaharlal) Nehru who wanted India to be among the 
leaders in industry, in science, technology and they, like in many 
developing countries, many newly independent countries, felt that the 
prestige associated with the symbols of modernity were going to put 
countries on the map.

India, of course, had global ambitions in this regard and there was no 
technology that was more a symbol of modernity than nuclear energy.

'We made it very clear we are not going to sign the NPT'

So there has been a kind of glamour about being like the Americans and 
the British, and I understand that. But this idea of technological 
imitation as a road to greatness… I believe it is the root of this 
ideological problem. It is actually leading India down the wrong road 
and compromising India's future as an industrial power.

'Even if the nuclear deal were to be deferred, US-India relations will 
flourish'

You have said that even if the agreement is ratified by Congress, 
nuclear power will provide only a tiny fraction of India's energy 
requirements. You've also made the argument that in the final analysis, 
India would be giving up so much. What would India be giving up?

India has jeopardised its relationship with Iran. And not only that -- 
you know, Petroleum Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar has been making great 
efforts, and I believe rightly so, throughout the West Asian and Central 
Asian region for India to make agreements on the energy questions, that 
will ensure long-term oil and gas supplies to India.

I believe the Iranian natural gas deal -- both the liquefied natural gas 
and the pipeline -- are linchpins of this whole strategy, partly for 
geographical reasons and partly for strategic and economic reasons, 
because they are the closest and cheapest deals. Iran, I believe, has 
the second largest natural gas reserves in the world. Natural gas, in my 
opinion, should be a priority fuel for two things -- for electricity 
generation and for transportation.

As we know, the cities of Mumbai and Delhi have been transformed in 
terms of pollution by the use of natural gas in buses, taxis and so on. 
And, beyond that, I believe if India took some leadership in the 
transportation area, instead of thinking that nuclear energy is going to 
give it technological leadership, India could truly become a 
technological leader in the world, say in various approaches to magnetic 
levitated trains, advanced hybrid car technology that is powered by 
natural gas, things like that.

I believe India could have a transportation sector that would be much 
more economical of oil and gas if it went to hybrid natural gas powered 
vehicles. For this as well as for the electrical sector, Iranian gas 
supplies would create a potential much larger than 20,000 megawatts of 
electricity India requires, not to talk of the 5,000 to 7,000 megawatts 
the Indian government may get from the United States. So the natural gas 
quantities available from Iran are much, much larger in terms of energy 
supplies than nuclear power would be from the United States.

So your argument is jeopardising this relationship with Iran for the 
sake of US nuclear power reactors is too great a sacrifice?

There is also a strategic consideration that India should have learnt 
from the Tarapur experience, which is that Tarapur was in the context of 
another period in which India and the United States were supposedly 
sweethearts, and fuel was promised for this.

Then India did something that the United States did not like, though we 
know that what India did in 1974 was triggered by something the US did 
-- the US sent the aircraft carrier Enterprise, armed with nuclear 
weapons, to the Indian Ocean during the India-Pakistan war in 1971 and 
threatened India.

I believe this was one of the factors that led to the Indian nuclear 
test (in 1974). But in Washington, not only did it never enter the 
debate, many of the leaders in the nonproliferation community are not 
even conscious of the fact that India's decision to go nuclear was in 
good part prompted by a US nuclear threat to India. They have never 
taken any responsibility for it, and they have never, therefore, taken 
any responsibility for cutting off the fuel supply to Tarapur.

'India should be a partner, not a target'

It is said there are no permanent friends, only permanent interests, and 
this certainly applies to all of the great powers. The Indian leadership 
is now behaving as if this sort of cozy sweetheart relationship is going 
to go on forever and that the Americans are going to be in some way a 
reliable partner, more reliable than the Iranians.

I would say if you strip away all of the ideological considerations and 
ask yourself who has a greater interest in making sure that India gets 
what it wants, I believe today, among all of the actors, there is no 
party with a greater interest in making sure that India gets what it 
wants than Iran.

The plans that Mr Aiyar has been putting into place are very visionary 
and they are being, I would say, grievously compromised by things like 
the IAEA vote. Specifically, if India votes with the United States to 
refer Iran to the UN Security Council, I believe it will kill the 
India-Iran deal.

Leave the politics aside for now; in tangible terms, how does the supply 
of natural gas from Iran compare with nuclear energy generated in India 
with the help of US-supplied nuclear reactors?

Currently, the spot market prices for natural gas are $13 to $14 per 
million BTU (British Thermal Unit). Iranian gas by pipeline via Pakistan 
would be delivered to India in the vicinity of $3.5 to $4 per million 
BTU. This is not only much less than world prices, but at that price you 
can generate electricity more cheaply and that will create a much more 
reliable power sector in India than through nuclear power plants.

It is not that all the natural gas should be used for electricity, but 
just making a comparison on that basis alone -- leaving aside the 
consideration that it would promote peace with Pakistan - the Iran deal 
could be the centrepiece of a very large project that I believe India 
needs to lead in, which is the economic integration of West, Central and 
South Asia.

Could you speak about the safety factor of nuclear reactors? Do you 
believe India has taken the required protections against the possibility 
of nuclear accidents and disasters, in light of investigative reports of 
problems at some of India's nuclear plants?

Those kinds of investigative reports do make one very uneasy. I have not 
independently investigated them, but I do believe that many of these 
reports should be given more credence from official authorities than 
they have been. Fortunately, India has not had a major accident, even on 
the scale of Three Mile Island which was much, much less than say Chernobyl.

I can say from the US experience that the safety in the US nuclear 
sector has depended very critically on how open it is to outside 
intervenors -- that is, in the 1960s, the power plants that were being 
built here were not very safe. Many did not have secondary containment, 
their emergency core cooling systems were not very well designed.

Three Mile Island could have been a much worse disaster had there not 
been whistle-blowers and hearings in which the Union of Concerned 
Scientists, an independent non-profit, was very critical of how the 
emergency core cooling systems were designed. As a result of that, the 
whole thing was revamped

There has been some openness in the Indian nuclear energy sector in the 
last few years. They do publish some environmental information prior to 
projects. But I have been dismayed by three things.

First of all, the amount of information is sorely deficient. Much more 
details need to be available to the public. The idea that the public 
cannot discuss atomic energy issues, which is in the Indian laws, is 
obsolete and detrimental to safety. It's not like publishing bomb 
designs, which is proper to be kept secret.

The second thing is, this kind of information should be thoroughly 
integrated into the environmental assessments. I looked at the 
environmental assessment of the Breeder Reactor Project, which is being 
built at Kalpakkam, and I found it was very thin.

And in the third sector, the Indians are learning an unfortunate lesson 
from the Americans, in that we have an environmental impact process 
here, but for the most part it has been perverted over the years -- the 
establishment decides what it wants to do and the environmental impact 
statement becomes pro forma.

However in the US system, there is some check on that, because the 
public can take the government to court. I believe the environmental 
impact process in India should be deepened with a much greater 
commitment to taking independent steps.

India has a great tap of technical and engineering and scientific 
expertise. It should take advantage of that and encourage independent 
thought to make whatever is done -- whether it is in coal or gas or oil 
or nuclear -- as safe as it can possibly be made.

There is always a resource constraint, but within those constraints, it 
has to be open to independent criticism. We (the Institute for Energy 
and Environmental Research) produce technical studies all the time, and 
we have a very good record because we send our reports for review to 
people we know may not agree with our conclusions and then we take their 
criticisms very seriously.

This is what is needed in the Indian energy sector as a whole, not just 
in the nuclear sector. India has, for many decades, paid an extremely 
heavy price for a wrong-headed development of the power sector that is 
focused on more centralised generation to the exclusion of the other two 
pieces -- strong emphasis on the consumption and distribution side. Not 
that we don't need more centralisation -- we need large-scale power 
plants in India.

I am not saying small is beautiful. (But) India should have a mix of 
large, medium and small plants that are integrated. Indian electricity 
planning overall, I believe, has been far too focused on large-scale 
generation and on imported generation, neither of which I believe are 
strategically very good as the basis for planning.

With regard to the requirement by the US that India separate its 
civilian and military nuclear facilities in a credible manner and put it 
under international safeguards, do you think this is viable?

I believe for the Indians to have submitted to this with the United 
States at this time is not very strategically or politically 
appropriate, specially if India aims to continue as a leader in the 
non-aligned world. It would be throwing away that leadership for 
something I don't believe it's going to get from the United States.

In recent years, the United States has given up its own leadership in 
regard to civilian facilities and nuclear weapons materials because it 
is currently making Tritium for its nuclear weapons program in civilian 
reactors of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Moreover, the United States 
is not itself open to IAEA inspections.

India should exercise its leadership to make the nuclear playing field 
level for everybody. I am not particularly for nuclear development in 
Iran or the US or anyplace else because of all the reasons I've told 
you. However, I believe it is very corrosive for India to be promoting 
what it not so long ago called nuclear apartheid.

'The US is perceived as hypocritical'

I was very saddened to read a comment from some official, a year or two 
ago, that Indians no longer talk about nuclear apartheid because India 
is now part of the club. This is a very, very corrosive idea.

India should talk about nuclear apartheid with the idea of getting rid 
of it, and leading the way in its best traditions; India should be 
pressuring the nuclear weapons states to get rid of the bombs. 
Unfortunately, the present direction of leadership in this arena, I 
believe, is going to be very detrimental for the country.

What India should do is publish a strict set of criteria, which will 
make the nuclear energy field in regard to proliferation equal 
throughout the world. If there are going to be inspections, then let 
them be universal. If there are going to be Additional Protocols of the 
IAEA inspections, let them also be universal.

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