http://www.opendemocracy.net/debates/article.jsp?id=2&debateId=73&articleId= 963 Iraqi Voices Journey to a liberated Iraq Tamara Chalabi February 6, 2003
After a week of intensive discussions with Iranian officials, delegates of the Iraqi National Congress crossed the mountains into northern Iraq. In a vivid report from the political and military frontline, the daughter of the INC leader reports on the Tehran meetings and registers mounting anticipation in the liberated zone that Iraq's long nightmare is nearing its end. There may still be some distance to travel before representative government can be established in Iraq, but a number of determined activists have independently taken their quest to their embattled land, via Iran. I had the privilege of accompanying this group, and in the process witnessed the forging of alliances on the path to making a liberated Iraq a reality. On a wet, grey London winter day, our Iraqi National Congress (INC) delegation passed through the check-in counter at Heathrow on its way to Tehran. A determined and defiant group, this is not the opposition routinely criticised as divided, incompetent, non-representative, a stooge of the US. Rather, it is an organisation both frustratingly elusive (due to its non-ideological and consensual internal structure) and provocative (a result of the way its activities are covered in the international press, and its unique skill in generating great criticism from all of the Iraqi people's would-be 'friends' around the world). US occupation - the wrong option Among the delegation arriving in Tehran are Ahmad Chalabi, Mudhar Shawkat, Kanan Makiya, Goran Talabani and Jawad al-Haeri. Kurds, Sunni and Shi'a, they represent Iraq's diverse population. Several in this group have spent decades fighting for the world's attention; all are fervently committed to rid Iraq of its totalitarian incarceration and establish a democratic state. The main purpose of the trip is to discuss the liberation of Iraq and the mechanisms of a post-Saddam transitional government with both Iraqi Islamists and the Iranian authorities. We clear customs with a collection of different passports, the common fate of Iraqis living abroad. The Iranians receive us graciously. Judging by our western dress, and the literature each of us is carrying, we do not present an exemplary model of religious adherence for our hosts: V.S. Naipaul, a monograph on the US occupation of Japan, sordid spy novels and the latest New York Review of Books (which contains a delicate article on political freedom in Iran). To my surprise, next to the immigration booth is a makeshift bookshop displaying beautifully illustrated editions of Sa'adi's Gulestan. A cold Tehran night welcomes us, its public landscape veering between revolutionary slogans and confident consumerism. The sense in the delegation is that a US-led war against the Iraqi regime is imminent. The possibility of a US military occupation is a real one, according to the various declarations made in Washington. This is a central point of our discussion with the highest Iranian authorities, those responsible for the country's 'Iraq file'. The delegation is opposed to an American occupation. The post-1945 German or Japanese model would have serious repercussions for Iraq and the region. Moreover, the birth of a democratic Iraq cannot be dependent solely on US troops invading and occupying the country. While US forces would initially be regarded as liberators, a lengthy stay would trigger dramatic opposition from Iraqis. In the latter event, the energies of Iraqi people would be focused on affirming their Iraqi nationalism in the face of a foreign occupier, reminiscent of the 1920 revolt against the British. The painful memory of Saddam would be swiftly put aside. Extended US military rule would also unleash religious extremism in Iraq. After all, one significant feature of Ba'athist rule has been the suppression of other forms of political expression. The ideological currents in circulation in the area could also find fertile ground in Iraq, especially if they are homegrown. The rise of nationalism, on a local and regional level, would hijack whatever positive momentum has been set in motion, and fuel the recruiters of religious terrorism. Iran in support of 'regime change' in Baghdad The week-long meetings in Tehran were a compelling game of seduction between westernised liberal secularism (best personified by Kanan Makiya) and committed political Islam as represented by the Iranian officials who oversee the 'Iraq file'. The game was played out around elaborate lunches (with non-alcoholic beer) and late-night teas, offered by our hosts with quintessential Persian hospitality. The discussions were as fascinating as they were endless. There was surprise too, as our hosts listened politely to our frank advocacy of democracy in Iraq, blunt rejections of an Iranian-style government, and elaborate renditions of meetings with high-ranking US officials that reflected a good relationship with the Iraqi opposition. As a witness to these meetings, and beyond the different strategic and tactical positions, I was struck by the sheer competence of both sides. These Iranian officials displayed a level of knowledge of Iraq and its problems that I could not imagine encountering in the most advanced western think-tanks. Of course, Iran is both neighbour and (in the 1980-88 war) recent enemy. But the detailed understanding these officials had of Iraqi society also informed their firm commitment to supporting an end to Saddam. Despite the traditional anti-US rhetoric in Iran and its branding as part of the "Axis of Evil", the Iranians' readiness to back an Iraqi opposition in alliance with the US was palpable. Across the mountains to Iraq The dichotomy of Iran's established order, reflected in its positive view of a democratic Iraq, was felt too in its urban fabric. Tehran's dreadful traffic jams and chaotic driving contrasted vividly with the orderly civic life, public transport and clean streets. There are a million Iraqi refugees in Iran, among the four million Iraqis living abroad. From southern Tehran, to Qom, through random encounters with legless taxi drivers and employees of the INC, all have a tragedy to recount. Long years of waiting have not destroyed their sense of hope, which they projected warmly onto the visiting delegation. An emotional evening of poetic, tearful evocations of homeland was also laden with expectation and practical guidance about their return home. This atmosphere was mirrored at the INC offices, where Iraqis lobby, volunteer, and wait for the sign to move forward. A week later, we made our way through snow-covered Azerbaijan towards the Iraqi-Iranian border, where thousands of young men lost their lives in the futile war. We drove past mountains and lakes accompanied by an Iranian official convoy that would ensure our passage across the border. It was a moving journey; this was the same road Alexander's soldiers, as well as many brigands and caravans, had passed along 2,500 years ago. We saw many such travelers, their horses trudging through the snow, smuggling, surviving, infusing the awesome landscape with vivid life. Our entry into Iraq had both drama and symbolism. Amidst a blizzard of snow, the Iranians bid us farewell at Haji Umran, while our Iraqi friends stood by to welcome us. The excitement was difficult to contain. For the INC, forced to flee its bases in northern Iraq in late 1996, it was a bittersweet moment. Now its members were being welcomed back as a potent force for liberation. The reception from both Kurdish parties, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) was effusive. The momentum grew as we drove onwards through the many villages. News of the delegation's arrival evoked strong memories of the Salahuddin conference of 1992, the foundational meeting of the Iraqi opposition. Eleven years on, despite many disappointments and betrayals, people gravitated towards the new visitors and volunteered their services. The air of political expectancy is heightened by the detailed discussions of a transitional government and the manoeuvreings between the parties. Planning for the post-Saddam era is underway - and evidence from many sources suggests a sophisticated understanding of the complexity of the task at hand in the new Iraq: salvaging Iraqi society and polity from decades of brutalisation and repression. Both in rural areas and the northern cities, Arbil and Sulaimaniya, there is apprehension about war. Saddam's threats are heard daily. There is shortage of fuel, as Baghdad tightens its delivery. The strongest memory, especially for the Kurds, is the chemical attacks of the late 1980s. In the absence of gas masks, and in the event of a repeat, people are covering their houses with plastic. Yet fear does not suppress people's enthusiasm for liberation. The end of Saddam's regime is anticipated by an overwhelming majority of Iraqis. This time round, people are more confident of success. Everyone talks of being in Baghdad soon. The trust they have placed in President Bush's statements to remove Saddam is great.
