NB: Today's WSJ refers to an established history of official US harassment
of INC head Ahmed Chalabi and includes reference to an April 2003 WSJ
editorial.  It does not seem to be on-line, but the URL for a subsequent WSJ
editorial referencing the original, is inserted into the text of today's
piece, where the April 2003 editorial is cited.

REVIEW & OUTLOOK
The Chalabi Fiasco Continued
Same target, new smear.
Wednesday, August 11, 2004 12:01 a.m. EDT

It's hard to see how the weekend arrest warrants for Ahmed Chalabi and his
nephew Salem Chalabi advance the rule of law and the cause of justice in
Iraq.

If nothing else, they raise the question of judicial priorities. Moqtada al
Sadr, after all, remains on the loose. And despite the recent pounding his
Mahdi militia has been taking from American forces, there is no indication
that Iraq's new government intends to enforce its arrest warrant for the
cleric himself.

Meanwhile, Iraq's Central Bank Governor has said that he issued no
counterfeiting complaint against Ahmed Chalabi, contrary to the claims of
the accusing judge in this case. As for the murder charges the same judge
has levied against Salem--a respected lawyer in charge of the tribunal
prosecuting Saddam and his henchmen--even Ahmed's enemies say they find them
incredible.

The only obvious winners here are the Baathists. One of Saddam's lawyers
reacted to the news by calling it "a miracle from God to help Saddam
Hussein."

Both Chalabis have vigorously denied the charges and questioned the bona
fides of the judge. Zuhair al Maliky is a former translator at the Coalition
Provisional Authority who was elevated to his current position by the former
U.S-appointed governor, L. Paul Bremer. In April Mr. Bremer amended his
original order establishing Iraq's Central Criminal Court to eliminate a
requirement that judges have five years of prior judicial experience; Mr.
Maliky had none. The head of Iraq's union of judges has questioned the
court's legitimacy.

This is not the first time Judge Maliky has moved against Mr. Chalabi. In
May security forces raided Mr. Chalabi's home and office. Attempts by Mr.
Bremer and the White House to paint the raids as an all-Iraqi effort were
complicated by the presence of two American employees of Mr. Chalabi, both
of whom testified to the presence of plainclothed and uniformed Americans.
In response, Judge Maliky issued further warrants for the Americans,
absurdly charging them with "obstructing" his investigation.

Adding to the appearance of a vendetta are still more Maliky arrest warrants
for others belonging to Mr. Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress: spokesman
Entifadh Qanbar and security chief Arras Karim. Mr. Karim was the head of
the INC intelligence program that has been credited by Joint Chiefs Chairman
Richard Myers as having "saved soldiers' lives."
But such service apparently wasn't enough to save Mr. Chalabi from all the
enemies he made while lobbying for a war that much of the Washington
establishment bitterly opposed. Sometime early this year the decision was
taken at the highest levels of the Administration to stabilize Iraq by
reaching out to disaffected members of Saddam's Baath Party and to call on
the United Nations for help. The Journal has been able to confirm that a
document was drafted in the National Security Council outlining strategies
to marginalize Mr. Chalabi, who was sure to be critical of U.S. plans, and
who was then the most powerful member of the Governing Council.

One particular concern vis-a-vis the U.N. strategy was that Mr. Chalabi was
starting to expose the massive corruption that had characterized the Oil for
Food program. Just prior the May raid, Mr. Bremer shut down the KPMG
investigation that Mr. Chalabi had initiated, and hired accountants Ernst &
Young instead, for no apparent reason other than delay.

We acknowledge that some very serious allegations have been made against Mr.
Chalabi in recent months. But not a single person has gone on record backing
anonymous claims he spied for Iran. Nor has it been beyond certain actors in
the U.S. government to attempt to fabricate charges against Mr. Chalabi in
the past. In April 2003 we obtained and reported on minutes from the State
Department that appeared to show employees of the Bureau of Near Eastern
Affairs asking auditors to deliberately bias an audit against the INC. [
http://www.mail-archive.com/[EMAIL PROTECTED]/msg00098.html ]

It's worth noting, finally, that Mr. Chalabi's ex-colleagues on the
Governing Council continue to stand by him. If this time around someone
finally produces actual evidence against Mr. Chalabi, we'll be the first to
acknowledge it. But so far it all smells of the same old smears, and of
something other than the rule of law our soldiers are fighting to bring to
Iraq.


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