NB: Another option is to make a more strenuous effort to straighten out the
intelligence.  Most Americans see the enemy in terms of an Islamic
figure--like Usama bin Ladin or Abu Musab al Zarqawi--and his demented
followers. So they don't understand the role of the Baathists, both Iraqi
and Syrian, in the Islamic terrorism, both UBL's and AMZ's, directed against
the US even before OIF.

Losing the War of Opinion
By Jim Hoagland
Washington Post
June 12, 2005

The Bush administration risks having more Americans ask, "What are we doing
in Iraq and Afghanistan?" than, "How are we doing in Iraq and Afghanistan?"

That dangerous transition point could be glimpsed in this month's Post-ABC
News survey, when 52 percent of those polled said that the war in Iraq was
not contributing to American security and 49 percent said they disapproved
of President Bush's handling of the global war on terrorism.

Polls are snapshots that change quickly, as White House aides quickly
pointed out. But this one reflects my own anecdotal sense of a shift that I
have been hearing about from politicians and activists in the nation's
capital and elsewhere over the past six weeks. This survey should be treated
by the White House as a serious warning.

The Bush administration argues that out there "on the ground" in Iraq and
Afghanistan, there is reason for optimism as well as concern -- and there
is. But the White House is losing that argument with the American public and
does not seem to understand why.

It is an argument that increasingly centers on the very character of the
American involvement in those conflicts, not only on the narrower
cost-benefit ratio of U.S. casualties there.

The cost-benefit analysis -- the "How are we doing?" question -- can be
rewritten in a short time by changing circumstances and the information and
perceptions the changes generate. But the character question of "What are we
doing" demands answers and judgments that rapidly get set in concrete. The
next important tipping point may not be in Iraq but in the United States.

It is not just the surge of violence in both conflicts in the past month
that is shaking support for Bush. It is also the growing concern of
middle-of-the-road Americans that they cannot trust the information they are
being given by the administration -- and particularly by the Pentagon --
about the conduct and progress of these wars.

The Bush administration established itself as a highly secretive and
defensive group of policymakers even before Sept. 11, 2001, and has used the
real security threats the nation faces to broaden and entrench both traits.
It now pays the price for that behavior in the form of ebbing public
confidence that could impede the war effort.

The failure to discover weapons of mass destruction in Iraq has forced the
administration to emphasize the moral reasons that underlie the case for
regime change, a cause I argued for through four successive administrations.
But it is American morality -- not Saddam Hussein's demonstrated lack
thereof -- that is becoming a defining issue now, however unfair that may
seem.

>From the disclosures about prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib to the apparent
falsification of the circumstances of the friendly-fire death of former pro
football player Pat Tillman in Afghanistan, there has been a lack of serious
accountability for lies, mistakes and worse in the military and civilian
chains of command.

Much of the questioning of American intentions and actions has been
manipulated by enemies and overblown by the gullible. The allegations of
Koran abuse are a supreme example of this. The Pentagon is right when it
says that by the standards of all previous wars, American troops have been
highly scrupulous.

But the always grudging, often secretive and uniformly defensive way in
which the administration responds to requests for information -- often
treating those requests as criticisms in and of themselves -- has fostered
this growing credibility gap about U.S. behavior.

Yes, much of the criticism of President Bush comes from partisans with their
own axes to grind, and from those who opposed the Iraq invasion under any
circumstances and always will oppose it, no matter how much Iraqis are
helped by it. Such complaints are white noise that Bush and aides no longer
hear.

But the White House is too quick to find comfort in the ignorant
partisanship of some foes and the partisan ignorance of others -- and in the
reality that patience is required in all wars and particularly in one as
amorphous and demanding as this struggle has become.

All of that is true, but it is not the whole story. Patience in times of
hardship and danger has to be earned by leadership, by candor and by
demonstrated accountability and responsibility at the top. A poll may be
nothing more than a snapshot, but it can show us things about ourselves we
need to see.

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