That is interesting, I was just now (as in _just now_) having a conversation on the topic of fair skinned preference. I think this is a very good idea to be involved in this issue. There seems like a lot we can do with it, maybe a discussion series on this issue or a study group kind of thing and maybe even come out with some written output that we could then diseminate.


Sanji


From: Sadaf Ahmad <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: What is COLORISM?
Date: Fri, 14 Nov 2003 15:40:37 -0500 (EST)


Shashi and I were discussing the term "colorism." I decided to make my research on the topic available to everyone, in relation to racism. I propose that SAPAC in its mission statement combat colorism in addition to racism/sexism/homophobia/etc.

The first article addresses the question, what is colorism exactly?  How
did this term originate?  (The dictionary definition will have something
to do with artist/painter/hairdyer or someone to whom color is important).

The second article explores how it is prevalent in Africa/Asia/L. America.

The links if you prefer to read them in that format are also below.

Hope to see many of you on this Friday evening!
Sadaf Ahmad

1 http://college.hmco.com/history/readerscomp/women/html/wh_007300_colorism.htm
2 http://www.colorq.org/Articles/2002/colorism.htm


Reader's Companion to U.S. Women's History
Colorism
Colorism is a form of intragroup stratification generally associated with
Black people in the United States but present among all peoples of color.
Colorism subjectively ranks individuals according to the perceived color
tones of their skin. People who "look white" receive preferential or
prejudicial treatment both within and between races. Social status,
marriage desirability, economic and educational attainment often have been
historically related to light skin tones.

Colorism is a poisonous legacy of slavery and reflects the persistent
Eurocentric bias in U.S. culture. Black people with lighter skin tones
were born as a result of various forms of miscegenation since colonial
times. They were the country's earliest multiracial inhabitants, along
with children of Native American-white unions.

Tension sometimes occurs in Native American tribes with mixed-blood
populations between the light-skinned mixed-bloods and "full-blood" Native
people. They debate about whether one is really a tribal person if he or
she is not "identifiably Native." Furthermore, Native people sometimes
identify themselves by the degree of Indian blood they possess.

Contrary to popular myth, no evidence exists to support the notion that
lighter-skinned slaves were chosen as house servants or concubines. They
worked in the fields alongside their darker brothers and sisters, but they
were given preferential emancipation from servitudeboth indentureship and
slavery. Freedom was often granted to the offspring of interracial unions
after a specified term of servitude if the mother was white; some were
manumitted by a white father.

European Americans attempted to recognize distinctions among Blacks by
creating various census categories. In each census year from 1850 to 1920,
except 1880 and 1900, efforts were made to differentiate Blacks and
mulattos. Different states had different percentage rules to determine who
was Black. Therefore methods for racial determination were imprecise,
subjective, and primarily based on visual observation, which yielded an
undercount of Black Americans.

Colorism has varied in intensity regionally and historically. Emphasis on
light skin, straight hair, and sharp features allowed some individuals to
attempt to distance themselves from the "typical" image of Blacks. Color
consciousness manifested its most extreme form in urban areas, where elite
groups called "blue vein" societies developed. Light skin was the primary
qualification for membership, although education, sobriety, manners,
dress, wealth, and proper elocution were also essential attributes. Thus
the number of members was small and select.

Some of the historically Black colleges, such as Howard and Fisk
Universities, became bastions for multiracial elites. Churches, literary
clubs, and social organizations also reflected color preferences. During
the Black consciousness movement of the 1960s as well as the 1970s' Black
arts renaissance, colorism was submerged. It reemerged strongly in the
1980s and 1990s in the media's images of light-skinned women in music
videos, Black films, television shows, and commercials.

People who practiced colorism were casualties of the deeper racial
oppression embedded in U.S. society. By internalizing oppression, victims
of racism themselves became perpetrators of a divisive and pernicious
system. In 1983 author Alice Walker observed, "Unless the question of
Colorism ... is addressed in our communities and definitely in our black
'sisterhoods,' we cannot, as a people, progress."

Shirlee Taylor Haizlip

See also Miscegenation; Whiteness.



Pre-European-contact Colorism and Post-colonial Racism in Asia and North
Africa
European imperialists are often blamed for bringing the "lighter skin is
righter" mentality to indigenes of colonized lands in Africa and Asia.
Critics of this mental colonization don't always acknowledge in the same
breath that many North African and Asian cultures had placed a premium on
light skin PRIOR to European exposure. Indian folk songs praised the
beautiful woman who has "the color of butter" (Indian butter is white, not
yellow). Pre-colonial Indonesian women used plant-based skin treatments to
make their complexion pale.

However, the fact that pre-colonial colorism exists does NOT absolve
Europeans of their responsibility for indoctrinating non-European
populations with harmful racial ideologies. Pre-colonial colorism in many
cultures is fundamentally different from modern Western racism; the
vocabulary and assumptions used in the discussion of modern racism are not
necessarily helpful or relevant in understanding pre-European-contact
attitudes towards complexion.

Pre-European-contact colorism occurs in the context of members of the same
"race" (quotes being used because "race" is a modern Western concept we
are applying anachronistically). Wealthy people did not have to work in
the sun, and thus were lighter-complexioned than poor workers and
peasants. Light skin became a symbol of wealth and class. Fatness, another
physical characteristic associated with a lifestyle of prestige and
plenty, was also deemed attractive. Famed medieval North African writer
Ibn Battuta described "the most perfect of women in beauty" as "pure white
and fat."1

Such preferences for the plump and pale were not limited to North Africa.
Paintings from pre-modern China and Japan depicted gods, warriors, and
other attractive men with ample bellies. The round belly implies physical
stability and economic sufficiency. The Chinese euphemism for getting fat
literally means "getting wealthy". Chinese texts from as early as the 3rd
century praised a handsome man's pallid countenance as the perfect
contrast to gleaming black eyes.2

Ihara Saikaku, a 17th century Japanese writer, constrasted the beauty of
the black-haired, pale-skinned urban youth to the unattractiveness of
orange-haired, sun-tanned rural boys. Peasant boys who worked outdoors had
their black hair bleached orange by sun and sweat. Thus, for the
pre-modern Japanese, pale hair and dark skin came to be signifiers of an
under-privileged lifestyle, just as black hair and pale skin symbolized
urban sophistication and privilege.

When Europeans started exporting their ideas of the white European master
race to colonized lands, the toxic reaction between old lifestyle-based
colorism and new Western racism produced a harmful new compound which
associated European features with power, wealth and beauty. Some
European-descent whites absolve themselves of responsibility by saying,
"The only reason racism took root so easily in Japan/the Philippines/[fill
in the blanks] is because the people there already had similar ideas about
race and color." What these Europeans fail to understand is that while the
new ideas of racism may wear the clothes of old class/lifestyle-based
colorism, it is a whole different animal underneath.

Firstly, the fact that other indigenous preferences which accompanied
traditional colorism - such as the preference for fatness or black hair or
black eyes - have declined demonstrates that the new Eurocentric standards
of beauty are based on assumptions different from those of traditional
colorism. For example, the influence of American pop culture replaced the
original Japanese ideal of jet black hair with the phenomenon of Japanese
dyeing their hair red, blonde or orange.

Secondly, the modern concept of 'race' itself is a Western import. This
new racial 'colorism' is no longer framed in the old context of
"lifestyle/social circumstance determines appearance", i.e. "if you are
wealthy, you will have certain physical characteristics as a result of
your lifestyle". Post-colonial racism is in fact based on the opposite
concept: that one's genotype, and by extension, its phenotypic expression,
determines one's circumstance in life, i.e. "if you are white, you will
have certain privileges as a result of your biological heritage". This
idea of "biology=destiny" is what undergirds modern Western racism.

Sadly, many non-whites today do not examine the roots of their admiration
for the white-skinned, high-nosed and light-eyed, and assume that their
desire for whiteness is "natural" or "traditional". Some non-black people
of color even speak of their "instinctive" fear of black people. Without
even interacting with black people, some brown and yellow individuals have
unthinkingly internalized European colonialist attitudes of a racial
hierarchy with white at the top and black at the bottom.

In other cases, some Asians who assume that individual blacks are poor or
uneducated may be possibly acting on traditional colorism. These Asians
make the same assumptions about darker persons of the same race as
themselves. For all of individuals (regardless of race) some introspection
would come in handy. Instead of excusing our preferences as "natural",
"determined by hormones", "purely emotional, and therefore defying logical
analysis", let's just ask ourselves as individuals, "Why do I prefer
people who have certain physical characteristics, be it fatness or
thinness or whiteness or blackness?"

Perhaps our individual motivations are totally benign. But perhaps if
those who unconsciously subscribe to class-based colorism realize the
origins of their preference for the light-skinned was based on wealth and
not race, their idea that "black=poor" will fall flat because it should be
obvious that people from dark-skinned races, regardless of economic
situation, are dark-skinned. And therefore, using skin color as a gauge of
economic status is not as relevant for subSaharan Africans as it is for
North Africans and Asians.

Even if 'race' is completely out of the picture, the next step is to
acknowledge the classist implications of pre-colonial non-racial colorism.
Some people find it appalling to marry for money, but the same people
excuse preferences for spouses of light complexion as "purely physical".
They do not recognize the wealth-based roots of color prejudices, and fail
to see the role of social conditioning in constructing desire. The purpose
of this essay is not to command people to change their desires, for no one
has the power to dictate what is attractive to another. It merely suggests
that we should UNDERSTAND the causes of our preferences. Whether we want
or need to change is up to us.

2002
  colorq.org





--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Notes:
1 Said Hamdun and Noel King, Ibn Battuta in Black Africa, p67
2 Bret Hinsch, Passions of the Cut Sleeve, p66
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