Once again, my home state Wisconsin is number one!

~(no)rave!

http://www.blackcommentator.com/146/146_cover_dixon_ten_worst.html

The pervasive corporate media bubble, which grossly distorts the 
views most Americans have of the world beyond their shores, and of 
life in America's black one-eighth, operates to fool African 
Americans, too.  While a fortunate few of us are doing very well 
indeed, and many more are hanging on as best we can, the conditions 
of life for a substantial chunk of black America are not 
substantially improving, and appear to be getting much worse.  This 
is a truth which can't be found anywhere in the corporate media, but 
it is nevertheless one with which we must familiarize ourselves in 
preparation for the upcoming national black dialogue.  It is high 
time to begin constructing useful indices with which to measure the 
quality of life, not just for a fortunate few, but for the broad 
masses of our people in America's black one-eighth.

Measuring the quality of life in black America

Painting an accurate picture is not difficult.  Useful measures of 
family income and cohesiveness, of home ownership, life expectancy, 
education levels, of unemployment and underemployment abound.  But 
among all the relevant data on the state of black America today one 
factor stands out: the growth of America's public policy of racially 
selective policing, prosecution, and mass imprisonment of its black 
citizens over the past 30 years.  The operation of the crime control 
industry has left a distinctive, multidimensional and devastating 
mark on the lives of millions of black families and on the economic 
and social fabric of the communities in which they live.

About half the nation's 2.2 million prisoners are black.  With only 
36 million of us, that's an astounding 3% of African Americans, 
counting all ages and both sexes, languishing behind bars, with a 
roughly equal number on probation, parole, house arrest or other 
court supervision. Almost one in three 18-year-old black males across 
the board is likely to catch a felony conviction, and in some 
communities nearly half the black male workforce under 40 have 
criminal records.  A felony conviction in America is a stunningly 
accurate predictor of a life of insecure employment at poverty-level 
wages and no health care, of fragile family ties, of low educational 
attainment and limited or no civic participation, and a strong 
likelihood of re-imprisonment.  Each month, tens of thousands of 
jobless, skill-less, stigmatized and often anti-socialized ex-
prisoners are released back into communities that lack job and 
educational opportunities, where intact families are more the 
exception than the rule, and where upward social mobility is a myth.

Clearly, more than any other single public policy, the day to day 
operation of America's crime control industry magnifies and 
exacerbates racial inequality, deepens black poverty, and wreaks 
widespread destabilization on black families and communities.  Among 
the many scholars and researchers who have persuasively argued and 
extensively documented these conditions is Dr. Paul Street of the 
Chicago Urban League in "The Vicious Circle:  Race, Prison, Jobs and 
Community in Chicago, Illinois and the Nation."

So if you want to know where black families fare the worst, where the 
lowest wages and life expectancy are, where to find the highest 
unemployment and the greatest number of single parent households 
among African Americans, you don't need an online survey.  You 
certainly don't count the black businesses or the black elected 
officials.  You count the black prisoners, and the former prisoners, 
and the ruined communities they come from and are discharged into.  
That's what BC did, and here are the results.

The Ten Worst States in the US to be Black

Wisconsin leads the nation in the percentage of its black inhabitants 
under lock and key.  Just over four percent of black Wisconsin, 
including the very old and the very young of both sexes, are behind 
bars.  Most of the state's African Americans reside in the Milwaukee 
area, and most of its black prisoners are drawn from just a handful 
of poor and economically deprived black communities where jobs, 
intact families and educational opportunities are the most scarce, 
and paroled back into those same neighborhoods.  So Wisconsin, and in 
particular the Milwaukee area justly merit the invidious distinction 
of the Worst Place in the Nation to be Black.  

Iowa, with only a small black population, is not far behind.  The 
crime control industries in Wisconsin and Iowa seem to have learned 
to make the most efficient use of the preferred human material 
available to them, locking up the few black inhabitants of those 
states at a rate 11.6 times higher than whites.



Texas, the nation's second largest state, is the third worst place to 
be black in America, and is in a class by itself, first because its 
extraordinary rate of black incarceration affects such a large 
population.  Only New York has more African Americans than Texas, and 
only the two relatively small states previously mentioned lock up a 
higher percentage of their black citizens.  Though California has 50 
percent more people, Texas has a slightly larger prison population 
and only a 5 to 1 ratio between its black and white rates of 
imprisonment.  We may safely assume that since very few of its 
wealthy Texans are behind bars, Texas is just a very bad place to be 
poor, whether you're black or not.

A total of 900,000 African Americans live in Oklahoma, Arizona, 
Delaware, Nevada, Oregon and Colorado, and another 2 million-plus in 
California, where the proportion of prisoners among total African 
Americans hovers just under 3 percent. 

How Much Better is Better? How Much Worse is Worst?

The answer in both cases is, unfortunately: not much.  Only one 
hundredth of a percentage point separates Iowa's 3.30% rate of black 
incarceration from that of Texas, with 3.29%.  Twenty-seven more 
states manage to lock up between 2 and 3% of their African American 
inhabitants, and only Maine, Hawaii and North Dakota fail to 
incarcerate more than 1.55% of blacks.  For whites, the national 
average ratio of prisoners to the general population is less than 4 
tenths of one percent.

The damning truth laid bare once again by this fact, is that 
America's policy of racially selective policing, prosecuting and 
imprisonment of its black one-eighth is a truly consistent and 
national one, even though it is implemented with arbitrary severity 
by countless state and local authorities.  

Dishonorable Mentions

This distinction goes to New Jersey, Connecticut, Minnesota, 
Pennsylvania, and New York.  



BC's Dishonorable Mention is reserved for those states not already 
enumerated which have the highest disparity between black and white 
incarceration rates.  Wisconsin and Iowa belong here too, with 
disparity rates between 11 and 12 to one, but they have already been 
mentioned.  This dismal category is especially significant because 
black populations in three of the states with extraordinary disparity 
rates fall largely within the New York City Metropolitan Statistical 
area, the largest concentration of black people in North America.  
Suffice it to say that for practical purposes, New York City and its 
environs are not that much better a place to be black than Texas.

STATE...........BLACK-WHITE DISPARITY

New Jersey............13.15 to one

Connecticut...........12.77 to one

Minnesota.............12.63 to one

Pennsylvania..........10.53 to one

New York.............. 9.47 to one

The second largest concentration of African Americans in New Jersey 
lies within the Philadelphia Metropolitan Statistical Area.  Note 
Pennsylvania's fourth place ranking on the Dishonorable list.

The "enlightened" state of Minnesota has two more peculiar 
distinctions.  First, it commits one of the nation's largest 
percentages of offenders to community corrections, the generic name 
for "non-prison" sentencing alternatives.  With one of the nation's 
highest rates of disparity between its black and white inhabitants, 
it appears that Minnesota's white offenders are disproportionately 
funneled into alternative sentencing situations, but we have no data 
to support such a conclusion.  Secondly, according to the Justice 
Department's Bureau of Justice Statistics, which together with the US 
Census Department is the source for all numerical data in this 
article, Minnesota had the fastest growing prison population in the 
country as of mid-year 2004, the latest date for which stats are 
publicly available.

What About the South?



Alert readers may have noticed that except for Delaware and Texas, 
not a single southern state made BC's Ten Worst or its Dishonorable 
Mention, even though Louisiana is well known to have the nation' 
highest per capita rate of incarceration for its whole population.  
How is this possible?  

The answer is that our ranking is based solely on the percentage of a 
state's black population behind state and local prison walls.  The 
following table sorts the top 13 states in order of their relative 
black populations, from Mississippi with 36% to Illinois with 15%. 
This statistical approach catches all the states of the old South 
except Texas and Florida, and reveals an interesting pattern.



All eleven southern states in this table lock up noticeably higher 
per capita numbers of their whole populations, black, white and 
otherwise, than do New York and Illinois.  But southern rates of 
disparity between black and white imprisonment do not approach those 
of Illinois at 7.5 to one or New York's 9.5 to one.  Like Texas, nine 
of these eleven Southern states achieve their overall high 
imprisonment rates by confining white people to prison twice as often 
as New York and Illinois.  Furthermore, the five states with the 
highest black percentage of their total populations have rates of 
black imprisonment closer to those of Illinois and New York than to 
Texas.  Like Texas, the Old South is just not a good place to be 
poor, whether one is black or white.

Federal Prisoners: Another Texas and then some

Finally, discerning readers have probably noticed that near the 
beginning of this article the proportion of all African Americans in 
the nation's prisons and jails was given as about 3%, but the numbers 
quoted for only three states reached or exceeded that figure.  How 
did we get three percent?  



The missing incarcerated, who did not figure in BC's calculations for 
the Dishonorable Mentions and Ten Worst list because BC was unable to 
sort out their states of origin, race or region, are those in federal 
prisons and jails.  The federal gulag held about 170,000 people as of 
mid-year 2004, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, 
slightly more than the Texas prison system, and growing much faster.  
We have not yet obtained racial breakdown data for federal prisons, 
but if and when it becomes available it may show racial disparities 
as severe as those in Illinois, which would suffice to make almost 
half of federal inmates African American.

Better Lives, Better Families, Better Communities

The work of reclaiming lives, families and communities shredded by 
America's incarceration binge must take place in hundreds of cities 
and towns and in several arenas.  Thousands of churches and local 
organizations are trying with scant resources to provide re-entry 
services to former prisoners.  While their efforts deserve praise and 
support, BC believes that problems created by bad public policies 
demand solutions that include changing those destructive policies. In 
fact, it is misleading and foolish to portray the problem of racially 
selective mass imprisonment as one addressable by a million 
individual solutions, by several hundred thousand family solutions, 
or by ten thousand black church and small business solutions.  

The problem is that public policy in America only moves in the 
direction of addressing human needs when under the insistent pressure 
of mass movements.  Where will the mass movement come from to change 
America's racially selective policy of mass incarceration?  What will 
be its first tasks, and what will it look like?  These are among the 
key questions before black activists between now and the time we "Go 
back to Gary."
___________________________________________________________________
The Black Prince.  The Black Church. A State of Mind.
http://www.theworldebon.com
 






 
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