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A MUST READ!   Spread this far and wide.
Terrifying and absolutely true and when are enough folks going to wake up and 
heed the warnings!?

 What to do in a failing civilization


Can global civilization adapt successfully to degradation of the biosphere
and depletion of fossil fuels?  I argue that it cannot. Important elements
of all constituent societies would have to be reformed. Reform would have to
be radical and would be uncertain of success. It could be undertaken only in
the presence of incontrovertible necessity-a necessity that will reveal
itself incontrovertibly only when catastrophic collapse has become
unavoidable. I conclude that those who seek to preserve civilization should
plan for its survival in restricted regions. 

The nature and scale of our economic behavior is reducing the capacity of
the Earth to support us in the future. The list is long: destruction of
biological diversity, over fishing, ozone holes, aquifer depletion, the
drying up of rivers and lakes, the pollution of ground water with salt and
industrial chemicals, soil degradation, desertification, fossil fuel
depletion, mineral depletion, and climate change. In spite of these trends,
we demand more from the Earth each year. The demographers say that there
will be 8 or 9 billion of us in 2050, absent intervening catastrophe, just
when some of these trends will have reached their full destructive capacity,
and all of them will be working furiously to demolish the support Earth
lends us. Can we react in time to oppose these trends effectively?


The overshoot trap


Limits to the growth of population and economic activity are sometimes
imagined to be like walls we might run into. When we get close to the walls,
this simile suggests, we can slow down to avoid a crash, or at least slow
down enough that the crash bends our fenders instead of smashing us to bits.
A better simile reveals a greater hazard. We are like a thoughtless retired
person without a pension who lives too lavishly on substantial saved
capital. We consume greatly more than the income generated by our natural
capital, consuming the capital as well as the income.  Addicted to luxury,
we increase our spending each year.

As concrete examples of natural capital and income, think of rivers, lakes,
and aquifers that should be pumped out no faster than they can be
replenished by rain and melting snow. Think of stocks of oceanic fish that
should be harvested only to an extent that does not reduce their yearly
census. Think of forests and wetlands that should be kept as reservoirs of
biological diversity and sources of clean water, instead of being clear cut
or paved. Think of soils that once had a natural vitality and generative
power, but have been rendered lifeless by their overuse to hold fertilizers
and pesticides, or by making them foundations for roads, buildings,
airports, and houses. Think of fossil fuels that might have been invested in
infrastructure for renewable energy but which have instead gone into food,
clothing, buildings, and personal transportation.

The capacity to produce sustainable income-food, energy,
materials-disappears with the natural capital that generates it. Day by day
the proportion of capital in our consumption increases. We don't see that
the income portion of our consumption is decreasing as long as we don't
distinguish between consumed income and consumed capital. At some point,
retrenching to rebuild our natural capital becomes impossible. If we were to
decide to consume only income, we would starve and there would not be any
income left over to rebuild capital. At this point we are trapped.
Bankruptcy is inevitable, but we may continue to live still more lavishly
each year as long as capital remains to be consumed. The trap is known by
ecologists as overshoot. When we finally reach the limits of natural
capital, the Earth's support for our presence will decrease suddenly to an
astonishingly low level compared to the largesse we have become used to.
This necessary consequence of overshoot is called crash, or die-off.

Ignorance of the trap hidden in the consumption of natural capital
encourages a belief that the human population of the Earth is not now
intrinsically excessive and will not become intrinsically excessive before
the occurrence of a benign demographic transition-a supposedly naturally
decreasing fertility that will stabilize the human population at, say, 8 or
9 billion.  There are two versions of this belief. In the first version, if
the rich reduce their consumption and share with the poor, all will be well
because there will then be enough to go around, and population growth will
have stopped. In the second version, if the rich cooperate to make the poor
much better off through economic development, the benign demographic
transition, which is said to be caused by prosperity, will be virtually
certain. We don't need to worry about not having enough to go around, this
version continues, because we've always found enough before. None of this is
credible to those who perceive that most of current consumption is capital.
It is likely that the Earth's long term carrying capacity for humans has
already been reduced well below the current level of population. If so, the
inevitable reduction of population will probably be initiated and paced by
the decline of fossil fuel production over the next 50 years.

What has kept us from anticipating and avoiding overshoot? Or, if you are
not convinced that we are already in overshoot, what keeps us from modifying
our behavior now to avoid an otherwise inevitable overshoot?  I will not
attempt a complete answer to this question. I offer instead a few partial
answers that provide sufficient support for my thesis. One partial answer:
most of us are ignorant of the overshoot trap, hence do not fear it. Another
partial answer: our economic life depends in several ways on continuing
economic growth. We are afraid of disturbing the economic arrangements that
keep us prosperous. 


The economic growth trap


Economic growth requires increasing the amount of high quality energy and
materials degraded by the economy each year. Economic growth on a finite
planet will eventually stop. If it does not exhaust the resources needed for
its continuation, it will stop earlier for some other reason. Allowing
resource depletion and biosphere degradation to terminate economic growth
will produce catastrophe. Unfortunately, our dependence on economic growth
makes it extremely unlikely that we will give it up voluntarily before the
catastrophe. Our dependence has at least four aspects: A) in the need to
deal with adverse consequences of labor-reducing innovations, B) in
commercial bank money, C) in the need to maintain tolerance of inequality,
and D) in financial markets.

A) The first dependence on economic growth is in the need to avoid the
adverse consequences of innovations that reduce the need for labor.1 By
definition, each labor-reducing innovation either increases the amount of a
good produced or throws some people out of work. Firms that create or
exploit a labor-reducing innovation create new jobs internally by driving
other firms out of business. The new jobs implementing the innovation offset
the loss of jobs caused by the innovation, but the innovating firms don't
necessarily hire all of the job losers, because the innovation reduced the
total amount of labor needed to produce the original amount of the good. In
order to re-employ all job losers, the economy must grow to produce more of
the good with all of the original workers, or produce more of some other
good with the cheaper labor (the job losers) now available. In either case
the economy grows. Much of what we consider progress is due to
labor-reducing innovations.  In order to live without economic growth, we
would have to give up this kind of progress, or introduce arrangements to
allow workers who become unproductive to retain their relative wealth and
self-respect, or relegate most people to a repressed underclass.  There is a
powerful incentive to avoid these contingencies by encouraging economic
growth.

B) The second dependence on economic growth is in the creation of money by
the act of borrowing at interest from commercial banks. Much of the money in
each loan by a commercial bank is created by the loan itself. The bank
collects a fee-the interest-for providing the service of creating the money.
Other ways of creating money have been explored in theory and practice.
Successful local currencies have been based on some of these alternatives,
(see Douthwaite, Short Circuit, page 61) but all national money is now
created by interest-bearing loans from commercial banks. This way of
creating money contributes instability to an economy based on it.  In order
to keep the money supply from contracting when a loan and its interest are
paid, a larger total of new loans must be created, increasing the money
supply.  (This is not transparently obvious. For a more detailed
explanation, see Douthwaite, The Ecology of Money, page 24.) When the
economy grows to match the increasing money supply, the value of money is
relatively stable, and commercial-bank-created money is benign.  If the rate
of economic growth does not match the rate of growth of the money supply,
the money supply becomes unstable.  Given the use of money created by
interest-bearing loans from commercial banks, an economy can minimize the
resulting instabilities of the money supply by sustaining moderate growth.
Monetary instability would put significant hazards in the way of deliberate
attempts to contract our economy unless the creation of money was radically
reformed.

C) The third dependence on economic growth is in the political and
geopolitical need for tolerance of inequality.  Differences of wealth are at
least as great within the developed countries as they are between developed
and developing countries.  Think of the ratio of the average income of
American CEOs to the average salary of workers in their companies.
Domestically and internationally, the tolerance of the poor and middle
classes for the existence of wealthier classes and countries depends on a
belief in economic growth. The poor struggle, while seeing that others are
wealthy and still others are grotesquely wealthy.  The poor are told a
story:  if they keep to their work and to their diversions, and tolerate the
rich, they will be better off in the future than they are today.  They
believe this story, or at least don't revolt against it, because it is
supported by propaganda and shared myths, and has been true for many. When
economic growth disappears forever, the poor, like everyone else, will
recognize that they will be progressively worse off, with no future relief
possible. The peaceful tolerance by the poor and the middles for the rich
will disappear. A peaceful end of economic growth would require
redistribution of wealth, with consequent political and geopolitical
contention. Desire to avoid the contention makes it unlikely that deliberate
elimination of economic growth will be attempted before economic growth is
ended by nature. The intolerance of differences of wealth that will then
appear will itself not be tolerated by the rich, causing additional domestic
and international conflict just at the advent of other adverse changes.  At
that time, if not before, tyrannical repression of the poor will greatly
tempt the rich. 

D) The fourth dependence on economic growth is in the financial markets-the
mechanism of capitalization of public corporations. Public corporations, the
main actors in industrial economies, depend on financial markets not only
for capital for innovation, but for discipline, valuation, motivation, and a
major part of their rationale for existence. Owners of
capital-investors-give the use of it over to public corporations by buying
equity or debt in financial markets.  They do so only because they expect
that they will, on average, and over the long term, receive back more than
they gave up.  That expectation disappears when most investors understand
there will be no economic growth. Most of the apparent wealth of the world
consists of equity and debt bought and sold in financial markets. A general
decline of market prices reduces general wealth in proportion. Any realistic
possibility of the end of growth would fill investors with something like
terror. Political initiatives to bring an end to growth will be opposed by
investors with every means at their command. The controversial nature of
proposals that would reduce or eliminate economic growth will likely prevent
the proposals from reaching even the status of political contention. When
the onset of sustained economic contraction is generally perceived,
investors will withdraw from financial markets. The resulting failure of the
markets will make many necessary developments impossible to finance and will
produce confusion and stasis in public corporations just when we need them
to adapt to new circumstances.  


The trap of taboo and incrementalism


The possibility of overshoot should have stimulated reform to prevent it
many years ago. Instead, it seems likely that reform will never occur. Many
informed people sense that our way of life cannot continue, but few
understand the trapping effect of overshoot. Why?  It's a simple and
powerful concept from a well established discipline. It remains esoteric for
no obvious reason.  There are many influential interests that deny the
importance of such ideas, but even committed and resourceful opposition
cannot explain the complete marginalization of the issue.  Why is there not
more discussion of the destructive and doomed nature of unrestrained
economic growth?   Limits to Growth, the 1972 report to the Club of Rome,
investigated economic growth and overshoot. Its initial popularity
stimulated a subsequent widespread repudiation. The complete success of that
repudiation is puzzling. Even environmentalists can be heard to repeat the
refrain of the growth enthusiasts that the predictions of Limits to Growth
failed to come true. Read the book again to locate the failed predictions.
You won't find them, because they don't exist. The only predictions
contained in Limits to Growth cannot fail before 2070.

Organized groups don't address the concerns of Limits to Growth because they
cannot "sell" them. Discussion of radical reform repels many and attracts
few. Catastrophic contingencies can be mentioned in public only at some risk
of ridicule or ostracism. Most environmental organizations acknowledge these
realities, and restrict themselves to limited "consciousness raising", or to
conservation, recycling, the Kyoto protocol, or preserving tiny parts of the
biosphere. None of these activities, even if temporarily successful, can
alter the outcome of overshoot. Nor can they prevent entry to overshoot as
long as the fundamental problems of excess population and unrestricted
economic growth are not solved.

Environmental activists believe that non-alarming incremental improvements
of awareness and "concern for the Earth" will eventually create political
conditions in which more fundamental action will be possible. Unfortunately,
the necessary reforms are intrinsically radical, and always will be. Vested
interests will always oppose improved understanding of the fundamental
problems, not always cynically.  We must not limit our conception of vested
interests to investors, captains of industry, and politicians who minimize
and avoid controversies that are not forced on them. We must also count a
wish for a new child as a vested interest-or a dream of a new car, or a new
house, or college for the kids, or a raise in pay, or a career in
advertising, or a secure retirement.  Important psychological barriers stand
in the way of understanding that dreams must be canceled and replaced by
much more modest ambitions.  The psychological barriers cannot be overcome
by agreeing that the dreams are not threatened, but tacit agreement is
implied when the taboo against "alarmism" is respected. Only epiphany or a
shocking and credible threat will overcome those barriers.  Epiphany is too
rare to produce social change.  That leaves the shocking and credible
threat.  Who, other than a few marginalized academics and some isolated
commentators, would explain the overshoot trap to the public? Certainly not
our "leaders".  It might have been explained by organized activists, but
organized activists become too quickly addicted to acquiring new followers
and avoiding taboo by trimming alarming contingencies from their messages.


What to do


A catastrophic collapse of the economy and population of the world is more
than likely. We cannot escape overshoot's trap. What should we do?    

First, who are "we"? Until now I have used "we" to refer to all humanity. If
we insist that "we're all in the same boat", we shall all drown, because the
one boat will sink. Those who hope to preserve civilization must accept that
it is likely to sink into chaos in much of the world. The survival of some
elements of civilization will require lifeboats that can be constructed only
from communities, regions, perhaps nations, that are not now in overshoot.
To preserve civilization at least some of these must choose to stay out of
overshoot, establish independence in the production of food, energy,
materials, and crucial manufactured goods, and defend their borders against
the migrations that will tend to spread overshoot everywhere.

This strategy may fail.  The necessary awareness and resolve may not develop
soon enough in any of those fortunate regions not already in overshoot.
Awareness and resolve may be prevented by the very institutional and
psychological mechanisms that have been described earlier in this essay.
Regions with resolve may be prevented from implementing it by superior
governments or by economically or militarily stronger trade partners. But
those who argue for survival of a community may have a better chance of
persuading their audience than had those who argued for better management of
global population and resources.  They will have the advantage of arguing at
a time when less fortunate regions of the world have begun to provide both
unmistakable examples and unmistakable threats.

There is a great need for a culture of guerilla relocalisation-a movement
that would have as its goal to partially prepare communities so that they
may coalesce more readily into autonomous regions when the need becomes
apparent. Richard Douthwaite has discussed methods that would serve these
goals in his book Short Circuit.

Overshoot and crash may so damage the biosphere and deplete other natural
capital as to extinguish humanity, or to reduce humanity to a few bands of
wandering hunter-gatherers.  These possibilities are now beyond our control.
We can only hope there will be enough world left to sustain at least a
greatly reduced new civilization, and act to keep the final struggles of
overshoot from precluding even that possibility.


Readings


Colin J. Campbell and Jean H. Laherrère. 1998. The End of Cheap Oil.
http://dieoff.org/page140.htm. Scientific American, March.

Donella H. Meadows et al. 1972. The limits to growth, a report for the Club
of Rome's project on the predicament of mankind. New York, NY: Universe
Books. 205 pages.

E.O. Wilson. 2002. The Bottleneck.
http://www.clas.ufl.edu/users/parakh/bottleneck.pdf. Scientific American,
February.

Garrett Hardin. 1998. The feast of Malthus.
http://www.garretthardinsociety.org/articles_pdf/feast_of_malthus.pdf. The
Social Contract, Spring: 181-87.

Herman E. Daly. 1991. Steady-State Economics, Second. Washington, D.C.:
Island Press. 302 pages.

---. 1996. Beyond Growth, 254 pages. Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press Books.

Kenneth S. Deffeyes. 2001. Hubbert's peak, the impending world oil shortage.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

---. 2005. Beyond oil, the view from Hubbert's peak. New York, NY: Hill and
Wang.

Leslie McCall. 3 November 2003. Do They Know and Do They Care? Americans'
Awareness of Rising Inequality.
<http://www.princeton.edu/~csdp/events/pdfs/mccall.pdf
<http://www.princeton.edu/%7Ecsdp/events/pdfs/mccall.pdf> >.

Matthew R. Simmons. 2000. Revisiting "The Limits to Growth"; could the Club
of Rome have been correct, after all? An energy white paper.
http://www.simmonsco-intl.com/files/172.pdf. Simmons and Co. 78 pages.
Limits to Growth (LTG) made no predictions that can fail before 2070, the
time horizon of its predictions.  Far from being pessimistic, it predicted
that the exponential growth it observed could be stopped in time to prevent
catastrophe.  The adverse trends it observed have continued unabated and
unaddressed, proving LTG essentially correct in its understanding of the
dynamics of the population and economy of the world. The 30 years of
inattention to LTG's message have greatly increased the risk of catastrophe.

Richard Douthwaite. 1996. The ecology of money. In Schumacher Briefings No.
4. Devon, England: Green Books, www,greenbooks.co.uk. 78 pages. A comparsion
of the properties of different kinds of money, of which debt based
commercial money is the only one in common use. The different money systems
are compared on their adequacy to serve the three key functions of money: as
a medium of payment or exchange, as a store of value, and as a unit of
account.  The book argues that currency reform is needed to support
sustainability. Conclusions:  1. All monies should be created by, or on
behalf of, their users, and not by institutions wishing to profit from the
activity. 2. Different types of currency have to be used concurrently if the
three key functions of money are to be adequately performed.  3. The
international unit-of-account currency, to which all other monies would be
related, has to represent, and thus protect, a truly scarce resource. In
other words, when we save money, we should also be saving something vitally
important, like the integrity of the natural world.

---. 1996. Short circuit,  strengthening local economies for security in an
unstable world. Complete revised edition is available online at
http://www.feasta.org/documents/shortcircuit/. 386 pages. Another title for
this book might have been "Guerilla relocalization." Describes techniques
for use by small and not so small communities to create and enhance a degree
of independence from national and international economies without the
cooperation of the larger economies.

---. 1999. The growth illusion: How economic growth has enriched the few,
improverished the many, and endangered the planet. New Society Publishers,
Gabriola Island, Canada. 383 pages.

Richard Heinberg. 2004. Power down, options and actions for a post carbon
world. Gabriola Island, BC, Canada: New Society Publishers. 208 pages.

Thomas Prugh et al. 1995. What natural capital is and does. In Natural
capital and human economic survival, edited by  Thomas Prugh, 51-69. White
River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green.

Tony Boys. 1997. "An Historical and Cultural Perspective on the World
Ecological Crisis." 1997. Published in Japanese in the Academic Journal of
Shion Junior College, Vol. 37 (Pp. 13-62), December 1997. In English on the
Web. Shion Junior College. 13 June 2005 <http://www9.ocn.ne.jp/~aslan/hcp/
<http://www9.ocn.ne.jp/%7Easlan/hcp/> >. The 'Compound Crisis' of
Population, Food, Oil, Soil, and Water, The Growth Treadmill and the
Globalized Economy, As You Sow, So Shall You Weep,  Brief Glory or Long,
Dull Obscurity?

William R. Catton Jr. 1982. Overshoot, the ecological basis of revolutionary
change. Chicago: University of Illinois Press. 298 pages. Perhaps the only
thorough treatment of population overshoot from an ecological perspective
that is intended for the general reader.

World Resources Institute. 2005. Millenium ecosystem assessment, summary for
decision makers. Washington, DC: Island Press. The Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment  examines how changes in ecosystem services influence human
well-being. The MA did not aim to generate new primary knowledge, but
instead sought to add value to existing information by collating,
evaluating, summarizing, interpreting, and communicating it in a useful
form. A summary interpretation may be found on line at
<http://www.millenniumassessment.org/proxy/document.429.aspx>
http://www.millenniumassessment.org/proxy/document.429.aspx

"What to do in a failing civilization" was first published in the
Proceedings of the Canadian Association of the Club of Rome, Series 3,
Number 6, September 2005, a special issue on The Age of Oil. The entire
issue is on line at http://www.cacor.ca/Proceed-Sep%2005.pdf


Contact author at [EMAIL PROTECTED]



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