Re: Republican Reversal

2002-07-22 Thread Kevin Carson

Voter attitudes generally reflect a conventional wisdom that is shaped by 
the corporate media and statist educational system.  A whole series of 
buzzwords comes to mind--ideological hegemony, the sociology of knowledge, 
reproduction of human capital--but they all boil down to the fact that a 
fairly centralized cultural apparatus is effective at creating the kinds of 
public opinion the existing system of power needs to survive.

Concerning the real issues involved in our politics, and the contending 
groups that are actually represented in the state's decision-making, I'd say 
Thomas Ferguson and William Domhoff were closer to the mark than the 
interest group pluralists are.


From: Fred Foldvary [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: Republican Reversal
Date: Tue, 16 Jul 2002 17:31:43 -0700 (PDT)

  These are all good comments on the Republican reversal.  Thus, I take it
  that the list agrees that democracy works pretty well in reflecting the
  wishes of the voters.
  Alex

I don't agree.  What about the large literature on voter ignorance and rent
seeking?  Does the typical American agree, for example, that it is good
policy to spend billions on farm subsidies, or are they just ignorant and
apathetic?

Fred Foldvary

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take-in/eat out

2002-07-22 Thread Bryan Caplan

Is it just me, or does the discount for take-out dining seem way too
low?  You avoid paying a tip, yes.  But you save the restaurant the cost
of waiters, tables, space, etc.  You might say that space is not really
scarce except at peak times, but still, most dining is down during those
peak times, no?

The same goes for mail order vs. brick-and-mortar stores.  The Internet
crash makes it seem like mail order can't afford to discount 40% below
brick-and-mortar.  But why not?  It sure seems like a website must be
vastly cheaper to run than a physical store, especially when one website
can do the work of thousands of local stores.
-- 
Prof. Bryan Caplan
   Department of Economics  George Mason University
http://www.bcaplan.com  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

  He wrote a letter, but did not post it because he felt that no one 
   would have understood what he wanted to say, and besides it was not 
   necessary that anyone but himself should understand it. 
   Leo Tolstoy, *The Cossacks*




Re: Silent Takeover

2002-07-22 Thread Kevin Carson

I think you're underestimating the massive effects of state capitalist 
intervention not only individuallly, but the synergy between them.  
Regarding transportation subsidies alone, Tibor Machan wrote a good article 
for The Freeman (August 99, I think) against not only transportation 
subsidies, but against the use of immanent domain for highways and airports, 
as well.  He admitted that this would almost certainly involve a massive 
decentralization of the economy, but responded by questioning whether that 
was necessarily a bad thing.  As for patents, can we seriously doubt that 
the pattern of control over productive technology would be a lot different 
without them?

By no means are these the only forms of state intervention--I just stuck to 
them for reasons of length in my original post.  Tucker's big four--besides 
patents, the money, landlord and tariff monopolies--are at the foundation of 
the legal structure corporate power depends on.

Then there's the subsidy of primitive accumulation--enclosures, 
expropriation of copyholders, slavery, colonial conquest, etc.--without 
which the concentration of ownership and economic power would almost 
certainly be much less.  Transnational agribusiness certainly wouldn't exist 
on anything like its present pattern, without something like an enclosure 
movement occuring in the Third World this century.

The military-industrial complex has a lot to do with what the high tech 
industry looks like now.  It is also probably responsible for the very 
existence of the jumbo jet industry--without government demand for heavy 
bombers, the demand for jumbo jets alone wouldn't have paid for the 
specialized machine tools.  And while we're at it, the value of plant and 
equipment in the U.S. almost doubled during World War II, mostly at taxpayer 
expense.

In the specific case of antitrust laws, which you mentioned, the main cases 
that come to mind are Standard Oil, ATT and Microsoft--in all three cases, 
centrally important resources or infrastructures on which the whole 
corporate economy depended, where price-gouging could hurt corporate 
interests in general.  It reminds me of Engels' prediction of the mixed 
economy in Anti-Duhring.  When corporate capitalism reaches a certain level 
of complexity, capitalists will act through their state to plan and 
stabilize the corporate economy--which will entail, among other things, 
nationalizing infrastructures of central importance to the entire economy.  
In this country, it was done through antitrust instead.  Most of the 
progressive and New Deal regulatory state were part of the same 
phenomenon--what Kolko called political capitalism, Weinstein called 
corporate liberalism, and the Frankfurt school people called planned 
capitalism.

Gabriel Kolko argued that oligopoly markets wouldn't even exist without 
federal regulation.  Most of the trusts at the turn of the century were 
over-leveraged and losing market share to smaller, more efficient 
competitors.  The Clayton Act's unfair competition provisions, however, 
made price war much less likely and in effect created a state-sponsored 
trade association for each industry.  From this time on, market share 
largely stabilized, and the world was finally safe for oligopoly.

The liberal goo-goos in the public school system sell all these statist 
measures as populist-motivated countervailing power against big business.  
But bleeding hearts like Upton Sinclair were just useful idiots to help sell 
the measures to the public--they were really rent-seeking measures on behalf 
of corporate power.


From: Bryan Caplan [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Frankly, this strikes me as quite unlikely.  There are lots of big
government policies that encourage firms to be smaller than they would
be in a free market.  Double taxation of corporate income is the most
obvious.  Antitrust laws tend to be used against large market leaders.
A lot of regulations only kick in if you have more than 50 or 100
employees.

And once you are talking multinational corporations, there are other
government policies discouraging cross-national integration.
Protectionism, most obviously, tends to preserve the firms in each
nation that aren't efficient enough to compete with the world's market
leaders.

You're right that there are some government policies pushing in the
other way (any time regulations impose a fixed cost, firms' minimum
efficient scale mathematically shifts to the right), but on balance I
think you're wrong.  Under laissez-faire, big corporations would be
bigger than they are now.  But to quote Seinfeld, Not that there's
anything wrong with that.
--
 Prof. Bryan Caplan
Department of Economics  George Mason University
 http://www.bcaplan.com  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

   He wrote a letter, but did not post it because he felt that no one
would have understood what he wanted to say, and besides it was not
necessary that anyone but himself should 

Re: from whence, belief? Better society comparisons

2002-07-22 Thread Bryan Caplan

I think this topic is getting too far afield for armchair.  Take it off
the list, if you please. :-)
-- 
Prof. Bryan Caplan
   Department of Economics  George Mason University
http://www.bcaplan.com  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

  He wrote a letter, but did not post it because he felt that no one 
   would have understood what he wanted to say, and besides it was not 
   necessary that anyone but himself should understand it. 
   Leo Tolstoy, *The Cossacks*




Re: take-in/eat out

2002-07-22 Thread Kevin Carson

I considered the online book dealers a positive development from the 
beginning.  The mail-order and internet vendors are, in some ways, a 
throwback to the days of the Sears Roebuck catalog, when the alternative to 
local mom and pop retailers wasn't the big box store, but rather a network 
of distribution centers that dealt directly with the customer.  The main 
competitor of Amazon.com, etc., is not the locally-owned bookstore downtown, 
or the used bookseller who has all the old and unusual stuff you can't find 
anywhere else.  Rather, it's BN, Borders, and their ilk.  So if nothing 
else, the online folks make communities a lot more human-friendly.


From: Bryan Caplan [EMAIL PROTECTED]
The same goes for mail order vs. brick-and-mortar stores.  The Internet
crash makes it seem like mail order can't afford to discount 40% below
brick-and-mortar.  But why not?  It sure seems like a website must be
vastly cheaper to run than a physical store, especially when one website
can do the work of thousands of local stores.
--
 Prof. Bryan Caplan
Department of Economics  George Mason University
 http://www.bcaplan.com  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

   He wrote a letter, but did not post it because he felt that no one
would have understood what he wanted to say, and besides it was not
necessary that anyone but himself should understand it.
Leo Tolstoy, *The Cossacks*




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Re: Republican Reversal

2002-07-22 Thread Bryan Caplan

Kevin Carson wrote:
 
 Voter attitudes generally reflect a conventional wisdom that is shaped by
 the corporate media and statist educational system.  A whole series of
 buzzwords comes to mind--ideological hegemony, the sociology of knowledge,
 reproduction of human capital--but they all boil down to the fact that a
 fairly centralized cultural apparatus is effective at creating the kinds of
 public opinion the existing system of power needs to survive.

Once again, why do you focus on the centralized cultural apparatus? 
Would decentralizing things really do much to change people's political
views?  There used to be many more newspapers in the 1930s, for
example.  But then you just had thousands of newspapers arguing for
intervention instead of ten or twenty.  What's the difference?

 Concerning the real issues involved in our politics, and the contending
 groups that are actually represented in the state's decision-making, I'd say
 Thomas Ferguson and William Domhoff were closer to the mark than the
 interest group pluralists are.

I'd say it's closest to the mark to say that most voters genuinely but
stupidly want government to do what it actually does.  The interest
groups just take care of the details.  

 From: Fred Foldvary [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject: Re: Republican Reversal
 Date: Tue, 16 Jul 2002 17:31:43 -0700 (PDT)
 
   These are all good comments on the Republican reversal.  Thus, I take it
   that the list agrees that democracy works pretty well in reflecting the
   wishes of the voters.
   Alex
 
 I don't agree.  What about the large literature on voter ignorance and rent
 seeking?  Does the typical American agree, for example, that it is good
 policy to spend billions on farm subsidies, or are they just ignorant and
 apathetic?
 
 Fred Foldvary
 
 =
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
 __
 Do You Yahoo!?
 Yahoo! Autos - Get free new car price quotes
 http://autos.yahoo.com
 
 _
 MSN Photos is the easiest way to share and print your photos:
 http://photos.msn.com/support/worldwide.aspx

-- 
Prof. Bryan Caplan
   Department of Economics  George Mason University
http://www.bcaplan.com  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

  He wrote a letter, but did not post it because he felt that no one 
   would have understood what he wanted to say, and besides it was not 
   necessary that anyone but himself should understand it. 
   Leo Tolstoy, *The Cossacks*