Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Thanks Baruah. > >His group -- the Khasis -- were "primitive" once, and >he has to check if the the adivasis also can pass the test of >"primitiveness." It is probably because of the implied primitiveness >test, the adivasis bring bows and arrows to the street. How absurd >can one get? Now I get it :-). How very true. > >These are literally ideas of British colonial days that have >stayed on --- -- leaving aside the racist and >other biases involved -- can't we come up with something new once we know the dangers and the absurdity of this way of allocating resources Again, it is the recurring story of India's other governmental problems too. That sixty plus years after the British had left, Indian intelligentsia has not yet woken up to its responsibilities of thinking independently and creatively. m At 10:15 AM -0500 12/11/07, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: >Dear Mahanta, > >Thanks. The Op-ed column of a newspaper is precisely to accommodate >views that are different from the editorial stance. >To be fair, the Telegraph solicited this article. > >You are right. I could have been clearer there. I think the very idea >that a group will could get the status of a ' schedule tribe' if it >can prove they were "primitive" once upon a time is absurd. So what is >Kyndia saying? His group -- the Khasis -- were "primitive" once, and >he has to check if the the adivasis also can pass the test of >"primitiveness." It is probably because of the implied primitiveness >test, the adivasis bring bows and arrows to the street. How absurd >can one get? > >These are literally ideas of British colonial days that have stayed on >in governmental categories and often with dangerous consequences. We >just haven't thought about them seriously enough to see how can one >find a different set of policy tools. Of course, once people develop >political stakes in these categories -- in proving one's >"backwardness" etc -- it is hard to step back. But we also have to >consider how dangerous the consequences are. So even if it is hard, if >the British could come up with categories of backwardness, >primitiveness etc nearly 150 years ago -- leaving aside the racist and >other biases involved -- can't we come up with something new once we >know the dangers and the absurdity of this way of allocating resources? > >Good wishes, > >Sanjib Baruah > >Quoting Chan Mahanta <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>: > >> Thanks Baruah for a very enlightening article once again. I continue >> to be pleasantly surprised by The Telegraph publishing it in view of >> their editorial stance, as culled from occasional readings, on issues >> relating to Assam . >> >> While I find the article very informative, I continue to remain >> somewhat confused about the nuances of this entire ST / SC imbroglio >> that India remains mired in and continues to drag Assam into it. And >> in that context, I am not sure I understood your observation: >> >> >>> >The tribal affairs minister, P.R. Kyndiah, a politician from the Khasi >>> >community, recognized as a scheduled tribe, says without any sense of >>> >irony that ST status for adivasis would involve examining >>> the case using >>> >the criteria of "tribal characteristics, including a >>> primitive background >> >and distinctive cultures and traditions". >> >> >> Can you help? >> >> Best. >> >> m >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> >> At 4:13 PM -0500 12/10/07, Sanjib Baruah wrote: >>> http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp >>> >>> The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007 >>> >>> READING THE TEA LEAVES >>> - The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors >>> >>> SANJIB BARUAH >>> >>> After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24, the >>> government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would >>> restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional' >>> weapons. >>> >>> That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist > >> transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an attractive >>> ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred self-description > >> as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by >>> most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in >>> northeast India. >>> >>> The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and other >>> people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured >>> labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists argue >>> that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as >>> STs, they should have the same status in Assam. >>> >>> According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in >>> Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute >>> the majority of the tea labour community in Lower
Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Dear Sanjib:
Thank you, as always, for the voice of reason and insight. This time
even the saner intelligentia seemed to speak in forked tongue.
The demand for inclusion in the ST category by the "adivasis" among the
tea labor community is probably something more than simply a desire to
be counted among those offered preferential treatment by the state in
matters of employment and education. It has the tone of social and
political assertion by a community that is numerically large and has for
centuries been ring fenced from the rest of society in Assam.
Indeed, even in recent times, tea plantation workers were not subject to
the kind of political and economic institutions that rest of society
takes as granted (however dysfunctional they may be). They (still?)
receive part of their subsistence wages in kind ("ration" as it is
called) instead of buying in the open market and this creates a very
different kind of structure of economic dependency on their employers -
who not only provide employment but also directly supply all the
subsistence goods including meager health care and other social
infrastructure (often non-existent in the peripheral areas).
If the state is weak in Assam, it is non-existent in the tea sector. You
could murder a worker for personal reasons and get away with a slight
reprimand (I know real cases).
The gradual alienation of younger generations from their traditional
more, their entry into the urban communities, the closure of large
number of estates, deforestation as a form of asset stripping by estate
owners, the conversion of tea land to farm land etc - has meant that two
things. For one, the ones who have left have crossed the fence and are
visible in society at large; they have learned to carry the economic and
political aspirations of that society. More importantly, greater
interface with markets, media and society has challenged the mores of
habitual dependency that the plantations survived on for centuries. In
short, the babus and owners are pissed.
Political assertion by the community therefore threatens many. There is
an aspect of yet another assertive group adding to the ethnic
fragmentation and potential conflict in Assam - always unnerving to the
nationalist Assamese cause. There is the aspect of the community being
more vulnerable to exploitation by mainland Hindi politicians who can
use them to assert a foothold in the domestic populace. There is even an
aspect of them being exploited by the "adivasi" loving hypocracy of the
Sangh parivar. There is the larger question of an important vote bank
for national parties dissolving and ethnic political parties or even
miltant groups taking over. And most importantly, there is the question
of an increasingly economically displaced community looking for a place
outside the tea economy and competing for resources (including public
doles). The demand for inclusion in ST category impinges on all these
and many other fronts.
I am hoping you will write about these socio-economic and political
complexities so that we can understand the situation better.
Best-
Santanu.
-Original Message-
From: Sanjib Baruah [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Monday, December 10, 2007 3:13 PM
To: assam@assamnet.org
Subject: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp
The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007
READING THE TEA LEAVES
- The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors
SANJIB BARUAH
After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24,
the
government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would
restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional'
weapons.
That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist
transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an
attractive
ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred
self-description
as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by
most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in
northeast India.
The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and
other
people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured
labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists
argue
that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as
STs, they should have the same status in Assam.
According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in
Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute
the majority of the tea labour community in Lower Assam, but other
groups
outnumber them in Upper Assam. If ST status is about whether a group
deserves reservations in jobs and in educational institutions, the case
for adivasis being recognized as STs is indisputable.
A study on the tea la
Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Dear Mahanta, Thanks. The Op-ed column of a newspaper is precisely to accommodate views that are different from the editorial stance. To be fair, the Telegraph solicited this article. You are right. I could have been clearer there. I think the very idea that a group will could get the status of a ' schedule tribe' if it can prove they were "primitive" once upon a time is absurd. So what is Kyndia saying? His group -- the Khasis -- were "primitive" once, and he has to check if the the adivasis also can pass the test of "primitiveness." It is probably because of the implied primitiveness test, the adivasis bring bows and arrows to the street. How absurd can one get? These are literally ideas of British colonial days that have stayed on in governmental categories and often with dangerous consequences. We just haven't thought about them seriously enough to see how can one find a different set of policy tools. Of course, once people develop political stakes in these categories -- in proving one's "backwardness" etc -- it is hard to step back. But we also have to consider how dangerous the consequences are. So even if it is hard, if the British could come up with categories of backwardness, primitiveness etc nearly 150 years ago -- leaving aside the racist and other biases involved -- can't we come up with something new once we know the dangers and the absurdity of this way of allocating resources? Good wishes, Sanjib Baruah Quoting Chan Mahanta <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>: > Thanks Baruah for a very enlightening article once again. I continue > to be pleasantly surprised by The Telegraph publishing it in view of > their editorial stance, as culled from occasional readings, on issues > relating to Assam . > > While I find the article very informative, I continue to remain > somewhat confused about the nuances of this entire ST / SC imbroglio > that India remains mired in and continues to drag Assam into it. And > in that context, I am not sure I understood your observation: > > >> >The tribal affairs minister, P.R. Kyndiah, a politician from the Khasi >> >community, recognized as a scheduled tribe, says without any sense of >> >irony that ST status for adivasis would involve examining >> the case using >> >the criteria of "tribal characteristics, including a >> primitive background > >and distinctive cultures and traditions". > > > Can you help? > > Best. > > m > > > > > > > > > > > > > At 4:13 PM -0500 12/10/07, Sanjib Baruah wrote: >> http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp >> >> The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007 >> >> READING THE TEA LEAVES >> - The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors >> >> SANJIB BARUAH >> >> After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24, the >> government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would >> restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional' >> weapons. >> >> That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist >> transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an attractive >> ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred self-description >> as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by >> most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in >> northeast India. >> >> The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and other >> people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured >> labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists argue >> that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as >> STs, they should have the same status in Assam. >> >> According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in >> Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute >> the majority of the tea labour community in Lower Assam, but other groups >> outnumber them in Upper Assam. If ST status is about whether a group >> deserves reservations in jobs and in educational institutions, the case >> for adivasis being recognized as STs is indisputable. >> >> A study on the tea labour community by the North Eastern Social Research >> Centre found that 60 per cent of the girls and 35 per cent of the boys in >> the age group of 6 to 14 are out of school, and only 4 per cent study >> beyond class VII. Tea plantations are still the major sources of >> employment: half of them live near plantations and work as casual >> labourers. >> >> Many adivasis were displaced during the Bodoland agitation because they or >> their forefathers had settled in reserved forest lands after giving their >> working lives to tea plantations. Since their villages were not legal >> settlements, the government did not facilitate their return to their homes >> even after the Bodo movement ended. >> >> Political mobilization of a community in support o
Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Thanks Baruah for a very enlightening article once again. I continue to be pleasantly surprised by The Telegraph publishing it in view of their editorial stance, as culled from occasional readings, on issues relating to Assam . While I find the article very informative, I continue to remain somewhat confused about the nuances of this entire ST / SC imbroglio that India remains mired in and continues to drag Assam into it. And in that context, I am not sure I understood your observation: > >The tribal affairs minister, P.R. Kyndiah, a politician from the Khasi > >community, recognized as a scheduled tribe, says without any sense of > >irony that ST status for adivasis would involve examining >the case using > >the criteria of "tribal characteristics, including a >primitive background >and distinctive cultures and traditions". Can you help? Best. m At 4:13 PM -0500 12/10/07, Sanjib Baruah wrote: >http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp > >The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007 > >READING THE TEA LEAVES >- The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors > >SANJIB BARUAH > >After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24, the >government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would >restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional' >weapons. > >That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist >transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an attractive >ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred self-description >as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by >most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in >northeast India. > >The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and other >people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured >labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists argue >that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as >STs, they should have the same status in Assam. > >According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in >Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute >the majority of the tea labour community in Lower Assam, but other groups >outnumber them in Upper Assam. If ST status is about whether a group >deserves reservations in jobs and in educational institutions, the case >for adivasis being recognized as STs is indisputable. > >A study on the tea labour community by the North Eastern Social Research >Centre found that 60 per cent of the girls and 35 per cent of the boys in >the age group of 6 to 14 are out of school, and only 4 per cent study >beyond class VII. Tea plantations are still the major sources of >employment: half of them live near plantations and work as casual >labourers. > >Many adivasis were displaced during the Bodoland agitation because they or >their forefathers had settled in reserved forest lands after giving their >working lives to tea plantations. Since their villages were not legal >settlements, the government did not facilitate their return to their homes >even after the Bodo movement ended. > >Political mobilization of a community in support of a demand for inclusion >on a schedule that would entitle them to preferences is not surprising. >Yet the demand of the tea workers' descendants for ST status, and the >framework within which the debate is being conducted, draw attention to >our continued reliance on a highly questionable stock of colonial >knowledge about Indian society and culture. This should be a source of >embarrassment, as well as cause for serious introspection. > >The tribal affairs minister, P.R. Kyndiah, a politician from the Khasi >community, recognized as a scheduled tribe, says without any sense of >irony that ST status for adivasis would involve examining the case using >the criteria of "tribal characteristics, including a primitive background >and distinctive cultures and traditions". > >Ethnic activists opposed to the adivasi claim cite with approval the >statement of the home minister, Shivraj Patil, that the adivasis have >"lost their tribal characteristics". They also argue that the adivasis are >not "aborigines of Assam". Since STs of Assam are not treated as STs in >other parts of the country and even Bodos are not recognized as STs in >Karbi Anglong, says a leader of an indigenous tribal organization, migrant >communities cannot be recognized as STs in Assam. > >The argument points to a peculiarity of ST status in northeast India that >goes back to British colonial thinking about race, caste and tribe in this >region. However, whether migrants should be considered ST or not, given >the contribution of the tea labour community in blood and in sweat to the >formation of modern Assam, no other group has a better claim to full >citizenship rights
Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Shantikam-da, Adivasis can become IPS officers in Assam even now thru ST quota - from their home states Jharkhand, Orissa, Rajasthan etc There are lots of Meenas (from Meena tribe on ST status) from Rajasthan who are IPS, IAS officers all over India. . Mr Mushahary cannot be recruited by Kerala state on ST quota he was recruited by Govt of India. MP is an elected official - Mr Sangliana or Dr ManMohan Singh being nominated/elected from Bangalore or Assam respectively has no bearing on the issue at hand. Is there any example of a Bodo, Naga being recruited in Kerala or Bihar on ST status - by the state govt there? Umesh Shantikam Hazarika <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: Umesh: Ranjit Mushahary who hails from the interior of Kokrajhar district served as an IPS officer of the Kerala cadre and rose to command the elite National Security Guards. Mr. HT Sangliana, a Mizo from manipur is a sitting MP of Bangalore. Shantikam On Dec 11, 2007 9:06 AM, umesh sharma wrote: > Sanjib-da, > > > I must admit your article reads well . Well written. And as a member of the > dominant community speaking for the poor and needy you are eloquent. Now the > question arises - do Bodos need ST status in Delhi or UP jobs -- wont it help > the Bodos and Nagas if their tribal status was allowed for govt jobs in > Rajasthan , Bihar, Bangalore as well. > > > Why should we not have Bodo govt officials in Kerala for example - working as > police and tax officials selected by the state government? Same for Nagas. > It would in integration of India and securing peace. If today geography is > the greatest obstacle in movement of people and of growth -- think how much a > Bodo or Naga can learn about software , technology etc and get govt jobs in > Bangalore. The children thus studying in top schools and colleges in > Bangalore etc. I am just creating a possible rosy picture if reservations > were allowed for ethnic Assam/Bodo tribals etc throughout India. When Gorkhas > from Nepal can have reservations in Indian and British Army jobs why not > Bodos in Bangalore. > > > And if not this than why that? Why give ST status to any group in Assam who > hasn't even lived there were a thousand years. How can one call himself > "Adivasi" ( the earliest inhabitant) when he has not even been part of the > culture pre-British times? > > > Regards. > > > Umesh > > > Sanjib Baruah > Mon, 10 Dec 2007 13:14:05 -0800 > > > http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp > > The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007 > > READING THE TEA LEAVES > - The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors > > SANJIB BARUAH > > After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24, the > government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would > restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional' > weapons. > > That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist > transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an attractive > ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred self-description > as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by > most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in > northeast India. > > The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and other > people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured > labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists argue > that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as > STs, they should have the same status in Assam. > > According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in > Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute > the majority of the tea labour community in Lower Assam, but other groups > outnumber them in Upper Assam. If ST status is about whether a group > deserves reservations in jobs and in educational institutions, the case > for adivasis being recognized as STs is indisputable. > > A study on the tea labour community by the North Eastern Social Research > Centre found that 60 per cent of the girls and 35 per cent of the boys in > the age group of 6 to 14 are out of school, and only 4 per cent study > beyond class VII. Tea plantations are still the major sources of > employment: half of them live near plantations and work as casual > labourers. > > Many adivasis were displaced during the Bodoland agitation because they or > their forefathers had settled in reserved forest lands after giving their > working lives to tea plantations. Since their villages were not legal > settlements, the government did not facilitate their return to their homes > even after the Bodo movement ended. > > Political mobilization of a community in support of a demand for inclusion > on a schedule that would entitle them to preferences is not surprising. > Yet the demand of the tea workers' desce
Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Umesh: Ranjit Mushahary who hails from the interior of Kokrajhar district served as an IPS officer of the Kerala cadre and rose to command the elite National Security Guards. Mr. HT Sangliana, a Mizo from manipur is a sitting MP of Bangalore. Shantikam On Dec 11, 2007 9:06 AM, umesh sharma <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: > Sanjib-da, > > > I must admit your article reads well . Well written. And as a member of the > dominant community speaking for the poor and needy you are eloquent. Now the > question arises - do Bodos need ST status in Delhi or UP jobs -- wont it help > the Bodos and Nagas if their tribal status was allowed for govt jobs in > Rajasthan , Bihar, Bangalore as well. > > > Why should we not have Bodo govt officials in Kerala for example - working as > police and tax officials selected by the state government? Same for Nagas. > It would in integration of India and securing peace. If today geography is > the greatest obstacle in movement of people and of growth -- think how much a > Bodo or Naga can learn about software , technology etc and get govt jobs in > Bangalore. The children thus studying in top schools and colleges in > Bangalore etc. I am just creating a possible rosy picture if reservations > were allowed for ethnic Assam/Bodo tribals etc throughout India. When Gorkhas > from Nepal can have reservations in Indian and British Army jobs why not > Bodos in Bangalore. > > > And if not this than why that? Why give ST status to any group in Assam who > hasn't even lived there were a thousand years. How can one call himself > "Adivasi" ( the earliest inhabitant) when he has not even been part of the > culture pre-British times? > > > Regards. > > > Umesh > > > Sanjib Baruah > Mon, 10 Dec 2007 13:14:05 -0800 > > > http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp > > The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007 > > READING THE TEA LEAVES > - The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors > > SANJIB BARUAH > > After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24, the > government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would > restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional' > weapons. > > That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist > transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an attractive > ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred self-description > as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by > most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in > northeast India. > > The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and other > people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured > labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists argue > that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as > STs, they should have the same status in Assam. > > According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in > Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute > the majority of the tea labour community in Lower Assam, but other groups > outnumber them in Upper Assam. If ST status is about whether a group > deserves reservations in jobs and in educational institutions, the case > for adivasis being recognized as STs is indisputable. > > A study on the tea labour community by the North Eastern Social Research > Centre found that 60 per cent of the girls and 35 per cent of the boys in > the age group of 6 to 14 are out of school, and only 4 per cent study > beyond class VII. Tea plantations are still the major sources of > employment: half of them live near plantations and work as casual > labourers. > > Many adivasis were displaced during the Bodoland agitation because they or > their forefathers had settled in reserved forest lands after giving their > working lives to tea plantations. Since their villages were not legal > settlements, the government did not facilitate their return to their homes > even after the Bodo movement ended. > > Political mobilization of a community in support of a demand for inclusion > on a schedule that would entitle them to preferences is not surprising. > Yet the demand of the tea workers' descendants for ST status, and the > framework within which the debate is being conducted, draw attention to > our continued reliance on a highly questionable stock of colonial > knowledge about Indian society and culture. This should be a source of > embarrassment, as well as cause for serious introspection. > > The tribal affairs minister, P.R. Kyndiah, a politician from the Khasi > community, recognized as a scheduled tribe, says without any sense of > irony that ST status for adivasis would involve examining the case using > the criteria of "tribal characteristics, including a primitive background > and distinctive cultures and traditions". > > Ethnic activists o
Re: [Assam] Adivasi Politics in Assam
Sanjib-da, I must admit your article reads well . Well written. And as a member of the dominant community speaking for the poor and needy you are eloquent. Now the question arises - do Bodos need ST status in Delhi or UP jobs -- wont it help the Bodos and Nagas if their tribal status was allowed for govt jobs in Rajasthan , Bihar, Bangalore as well. Why should we not have Bodo govt officials in Kerala for example - working as police and tax officials selected by the state government? Same for Nagas. It would in integration of India and securing peace. If today geography is the greatest obstacle in movement of people and of growth -- think how much a Bodo or Naga can learn about software , technology etc and get govt jobs in Bangalore. The children thus studying in top schools and colleges in Bangalore etc. I am just creating a possible rosy picture if reservations were allowed for ethnic Assam/Bodo tribals etc throughout India. When Gorkhas from Nepal can have reservations in Indian and British Army jobs why not Bodos in Bangalore. And if not this than why that? Why give ST status to any group in Assam who hasn't even lived there were a thousand years. How can one call himself "Adivasi" ( the earliest inhabitant) when he has not even been part of the culture pre-British times? Regards. Umesh Sanjib Baruah Mon, 10 Dec 2007 13:14:05 -0800 http://www.telegraphindia.com/1071211/asp/opinion/story_8654412.asp The Telegraph, Calcutta. Tuesday, December 11, 2007 READING THE TEA LEAVES - The understanding of tribal status must be rid of colonial errors SANJIB BARUAH After the mayhem in Guwahati around the adivasi rally of November 24, the government of Assam is reportedly considering legislation that would restrict the public display of bows and arrows and other 'traditional' weapons. That a group that provided the muscle for the 19th-century capitalist transformation of Assam today finds the bow and arrow to be an attractive ethnic symbol is rather interesting. So is its preferred self-description as adivasis, in sharp contrast to the English term 'tribe' preferred by most other groups that have legal recognition as scheduled tribes in northeast India. The adivasis of Assam trace their roots to Munda, Oraon, Santhal and other people of the Jharkhand region. They are descendants of indentured labourers brought to the tea plantations of Assam. Adivasi activists argue that since their ethnic kin in their places of origin are recognized as STs, they should have the same status in Assam. According to some estimates, there are as many as 4 million adivasis in Assam - more than half of Assam's tea labour community. They constitute the majority of the tea labour community in Lower Assam, but other groups outnumber them in Upper Assam. If ST status is about whether a group deserves reservations in jobs and in educational institutions, the case for adivasis being recognized as STs is indisputable. A study on the tea labour community by the North Eastern Social Research Centre found that 60 per cent of the girls and 35 per cent of the boys in the age group of 6 to 14 are out of school, and only 4 per cent study beyond class VII. Tea plantations are still the major sources of employment: half of them live near plantations and work as casual labourers. Many adivasis were displaced during the Bodoland agitation because they or their forefathers had settled in reserved forest lands after giving their working lives to tea plantations. Since their villages were not legal settlements, the government did not facilitate their return to their homes even after the Bodo movement ended. Political mobilization of a community in support of a demand for inclusion on a schedule that would entitle them to preferences is not surprising. Yet the demand of the tea workers' descendants for ST status, and the framework within which the debate is being conducted, draw attention to our continued reliance on a highly questionable stock of colonial knowledge about Indian society and culture. This should be a source of embarrassment, as well as cause for serious introspection. The tribal affairs minister, P.R. Kyndiah, a politician from the Khasi community, recognized as a scheduled tribe, says without any sense of irony that ST status for adivasis would involve examining the case using the criteria of "tribal characteristics, including a primitive background and distinctive cultures and traditions". Ethnic activists opposed to the adivasi claim cite with approval the statement of the home minister, Shivraj Patil, that the adivasis have "lost their tribal characteristics". They also argue that the adivasis are not "aborigines of Assam". Since STs of Assam are not treated as STs in other parts of the country and even Bodos are not recognized as STs in Karbi Anglong, says a leader of an indigenous tribal organization, migrant communities cannot be recogn
