balanced budget

2008-08-25 Thread Jon Louis Mann
  I am generally in favor of politicians who demonstrate
 a record of less
  government spending and smaller government.

 You mean like Clinton?
 Doug

Yes, and definitely NOT like Boosh!~)
Jon


  
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Bush snuck his Social Security Plan into the Budget

2006-02-08 Thread Gary Denton
Bush's Social Security Sleight of Hand
By Allan Sloan
The Washington Post

Wednesday 08 February 2006

If you read enough numbers, you never know what you'll find. Take
President Bush and private Social Security accounts.

Last year, even though Bush talked endlessly about the supposed
joys of private accounts, he never proposed a specific plan to
Congress and never put privatization costs in the budget. But this
year, with no fanfare whatsoever, Bush stuck a big Social Security
privatization plan in the federal budget proposal, which he sent to
Congress on Monday.

His plan would let people set up private accounts starting in 2010
and would divert more than $700 billion of Social Security tax
revenues to pay for them over the first seven years.

If this comes as a surprise to you, have no fear. You're not
alone. Bush didn't pitch private Social Security accounts in his State
of the Union message last week.

First, he drew a mocking standing ovation from Democrats by saying
that Congress did not act last year on my proposal to save Social
Security, even though, as I said, he'd never submitted specific
legislation.

Then he seemed to be kicking the Social Security problem a few
years down the road in typical Washington fashion when he asked
Congress to join me in creating a commission to examine the full
impact of baby boom retirements on Social Security, Medicare and
Medicaid, adding that the commission would be bipartisan and offer
bipartisan solutions.

But anyone who thought that Bush would wait for bipartisanship to
deal with Social Security was wrong. Instead, he stuck his own
privatization proposals into his proposed budget.

The Democrats were laughing all the way to the funeral of Social
Security modernization, White House spokesman Trent Duffy told me in
an interview Tuesday, but the president still cares deeply about
this.  Duffy asserted that Bush would have been remiss not to include
in the budget the cost of something that he feels so strongly about,
and he seemed surprised at my surprise that Social Security
privatization had been written into the budget without any advance
fanfare.

Duffy said privatization costs were included in the midyear budget
update that the Office of Management and Budget released last July 30,
so it was logical for them to be in the 2007 budget proposals. But I
sure didn't see this coming - and I wonder how many people outside of
the White House did.

Nevertheless, it's here. Unlike Bush's generalized privatization
talk of last year, we're now talking detailed numbers. On page 321 of
the budget proposal, you see the privatization costs: $24.182 billion
in fiscal 2010, $57.429 billion in fiscal 2011 and another $630.533
billion for the five years after that, for a seven-year total of
$712.144 billion.

In the first year of private accounts, people would be allowed to
divert up to 4 percent of their wages covered by Social Security into
what Bush called voluntary private accounts. The maximum
contribution to such accounts would start at $1,100 annually and rise
by $100 a year through 2016.

It's not clear how big a reduction in the basic benefit Social
Security recipients would have to take in return for being able to set
up these accounts, or precisely how the accounts would work.

Bush also wants to change the way Social Security benefits are
calculated for most people by adopting so-called progressive indexing.
Lower-income people would continue to have their Social Security
benefits tied to wages, but the benefits paid to higher-paid people
would be tied to inflation.

Wages have typically risen 1.1 percent a year more than inflation,
so over time, that disparity would give lower-paid and higher-paid
people essentially the same benefit. However, higher-paid workers
would be paying substantially more into the system than lower-paid
people would.

This means that although progressive indexing is an attractive
idea from a social-justice point of view, it would reduce Social
Security's political support by making it seem more like welfare than
an earned benefit.

Bush is right, of course, when he says in his budget proposal that
Social Security in its current form is unsustainable. But there are
plenty of ways to fix it besides offering private accounts as a
substitute for part of the basic benefit.

Bush's 2001 Social Security commission had members of both
parties, but they had to agree in advance to support private accounts.
Their report, which had some interesting ideas, went essentially
nowhere.

What remains to be seen is whether this time around Bush follows
through on forming a bipartisan commission and whether he can get
credible Democrats to join it. Dropping numbers onto your opponents is
a great way to stick your finger in their eye. But will it get the
Social Security job done? That, my friends, is a whole other story.


--
Gary Denton
http://www.apollocon.org  June 23-25

Fwd: FEMA failed to act and just how they gutted FEMA's budget

2005-09-05 Thread Nick Arnett

Why New Orleans Is in Deep Water
By Molly Ivins
Creators Syndicate


Thursday 01 September 2005


Austin, Texas - Like many of you who love New Orleans, I find
myself taking short mental walks there today, turning a familiar
corner, glimpsing a favorite scene, square or vista. And worrying
about the beloved friends and the city, and how they are now.


To use a fine Southern word, it's tacky to start playing the
blame game before the dead are even counted. It is not too soon,
however, to make a point that needs to be hammered home again and
again, and that is that government policies have real consequences in
people's lives.


This is not just politics or blaming for political advantage.
This is about the real consequences of what governments do and do not
do about their responsibilities. And about who winds up paying the
price for those policies.


This is a column for everyone in the path of Hurricane Katrina
who ever said, I'm sorry, I'm just not interested in politics,
or, There's nothing I can do about it, or, Eh, they're all crooks
anyway.


Nothing to do with me, nothing to do with my life, nothing I can
do about any of it. Look around you this morning. I suppose the
National Rifle Association would argue, Government policies don't
kill people, hurricanes kill people. Actually, hurricanes plus
government policies kill people.


One of the main reasons New Orleans is so vulnerable to
hurricanes is the gradual disappearance of the wetlands on the Gulf
Coast that once stood as a natural buffer between the city and storms
coming in from the water. The disappearance of those wetlands does
not have the name of a political party or a particular administration
attached to it. No one wants to play, The Democrats did it,
or, It's all Reagan's fault. Many environmentalists will tell you
more than a century's interference with the natural flow of the
Mississippi is the root cause of the problem, cutting off the
movement of alluvial soil to the river's delta.


But in addition to long-range consequences of long-term policies
like letting the Corps of Engineers try to build a better river than
God, there are real short-term consequences, as well. It is a fact
that the Clinton administration set some tough policies on wetlands,
and it is a fact that the Bush administration repealed those
policies - ordering federal agencies to stop protecting as many as 20
million acres of wetlands.


Last year, four environmental groups cooperated on a joint report
showing the Bush administration's policies had allowed developers to
drain thousands of acres of wetlands.


Does this mean we should blame President Bush for the fact that
New Orleans is underwater? No, but it means we can blame Bush when a
Category 3 or Category 2 hurricane puts New Orleans under. At this
point, it is a matter of making a bad situation worse, of failing to
observe the First Rule of Holes (when you're in one, stop digging).


Had a storm the size of Katrina just had the grace to hold off
for a while, it's quite likely no one would even remember what the
Bush administration did two months ago. The national press corps has
the attention span of a gnat, and trying to get anyone in Washington
to remember longer than a year ago is like asking them what happened
in Iznik, Turkey, in A.D. 325.


Just plain political bad luck that, in June, Bush took his little
ax and chopped $71.2 million from the budget of the New Orleans Corps
of Engineers, a 44 percent reduction. As was reported in New Orleans
CityBusiness at the time, that meant major hurricane and flood
projects will not be awarded to local engineering firms. Also, a
study to determine ways to protect the region from a Category 5
hurricane has been shelved for now.


(Try this timeline on for size. In January of 2001, George W. Bush
appointed Texas crony Joe Allbaugh to head FEMA, despite the fact
that Allbaugh had exactly zero experience in disaster management. By
April of 2001, the Bush administration announced that much of FEMA's
work would be privatized and downsized. Allbaugh that month described
FEMA as, an oversized entitlement program.


In December 2002, Allbaugh quit as head of FEMA to create a
consulting firm whose purpose was to advise and assist companies
looking to do business in occupied Iraq. He was replaced by Michael
D. Brown, whose experience in disaster management was gathered while
working as an estate planning lawyer in Colorado, and while serving
as counsel for the International Arabian Horse Association legal
department. In other words, Bush chose back-to-back FEMA heads whose
collective ability to work that position could fit inside a thimble
with room to spare.


By March of 2003, FEMA was no longer a Cabinet-level position,
and was folded into the Department of Homeland Security. Its primary
mission was recast towards fighting acts of terrorism. In June of
2004, the Army Corps of Engineers' budget for levee construction in
New Orleans

Budget Anxiety and No Action

2005-05-18 Thread Gary Denton
One of the best reporters at the Washington Post caught an infromative panel 
as leaders of Conservative and Liberal think tanks attacked both parties. 
Posted for those not wanting to register.


*Almost Unnoticed, Bipartisan Budget Anxiety*

By Dana Milbank
Post
Wednesday, May 18, 2005; A04

The timing could not have been more apt. On the eve of a titanic partisan 
clash in the Senate, eggheads of the left and right got together yesterday 
to warn both parties that they are ignoring the country's most pressing 
problem: that the United States is turning into Argentina.

While Washington plunged into a procedural fight over a pair of judicial 
nominees, Stuart Butler, head of domestic policy at the conservative 
Heritage Foundation, and Isabel Sawhill, director of the left-leaning 
Brookings Institution's economic studies program, sat down with Comptroller 
General David M. Walker to bemoan what they jointly called the budget 
nightmare.

There were no cameras, not a single microphone, and no evidence of a 
lawmaker or Bush administration official in the room -- just some hungry 
congressional staffers and boxes of sandwiches from Corner Bakery. But what 
the three spoke about will have greater consequences than the current fuss 
over filibusters and Tom DeLay's travel.

With startling unanimity, they agreed that without some combination of big 
tax increases and major cuts in Medicare, Social Security and most other 
spending, the country will fall victim to the huge debt and soaring interest 
rates that collapsed Argentina's economy and caused riots in its streets a 
few years ago.

The only thing the United States is able to do a little after 2040 is pay 
interest on massive and growing federal debt, Walker said. The model blows 
up in the mid-2040s. What does that mean? Argentina.

All true, Sawhill, a budget official in the Clinton administration, 
concurred.

To do nothing, Butler added, would lead to deficits of the scale we've 
never seen in this country or any major in industrialized country. We've 
seen them in Argentina. That's a chilling thought, but it would mean that.

Each of the three had a separate slide show, but the numbers and forecasts 
were interchangeable.

Walker put U.S. debt and obligations at $45 trillion in current dollars -- 
almost as much as the total net worth of all Americans, or $150,000 per 
person. Balancing the budget in 2040, he said, could require cutting total 
federal spending as much as 60 percent or raising taxes to 2 1/2 times 
today's levels.

Butler pointed out that without changes to Social Security and Medicare, in 
25 years either a quarter of discretionary spending would need to be cut or 
U.S. tax rates would have to approach European levels. Putting it slightly 
differently, Sawhill posed a choice of 10 percent cuts in spending and much 
larger cuts in Social Security and Medicare, or a 40 percent increase in 
government spending relative to the size of the economy, and equivalent tax 
increases.

The unity of the bespectacled presenters was impressive -- and it made their 
conclusion all the more depressing. As Ron Haskins, a former Bush White 
House official and current Brookings scholar, said when introducing the 
thinkers: If Heritage and Brookings agree on something, there must be 
something to it.

Yet that is not how leaders of either party talk. Former Treasury secretary 
Paul H. O'Neill recounted how Vice President Cheney told him that deficits 
don't matter. President Bush projects deficit reductions in the coming few 
years but ignores projections that show them exploding after that. And 
Democrats, fighting Bush's call for cutting Social Security benefits through 
indexing changes, are suggesting that only tinkering with the program is 
indicated.

The congressional staffers, accustomed to sitting on opposite sides of the 
room in such events, seemed flummoxed by yesterday's unusual session in the 
Rayburn House Office Building. One questioner suggested Republicans are to 
blame for multiple tax cuts; another implied the problem is a Democratic 
appetite for spending. The bipartisan panel would not be goaded. I'm 
willing to talk about taxes if you're willing to talk about entitlements, 
Butler offered.

Not surprisingly, the Heritage and Brookings crowds don't agree on an exact 
solution to the budget problem, but they seem to accept that, as Sawhill put 
it, you can't do it with either spending or taxes. Eventually, you're going 
to need a mix of the two. Butler wants taxes, now at 17 percent of GDP, not 
to exceed 20 percent. Sawhill prefers 24 or 25 percent.

But such haggling seems premature when both parties still deny the problem. 
I don't think we're there yet, Walker said. The American people have to 
understand where we are and where we're headed.

And where is that? No republic in the history of the world lasted more than 
300 years, Walker said. Eventually, the crunch comes.

He wasn't talking about filibusters.
http

Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-02-20 Thread Dan Minette

- Original Message - 
From: JDG [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion brin-l@mccmedia.com
Sent: Wednesday, February 16, 2005 10:25 PM
Subject: Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan


 Dan,

 I'm not really sure that it is accurate to describe Bill Clinton as
wanting
 to save Social Security with the surplus, but I can't admit to being
 particularly interested in that debate right now either.  Now, paying
down the
 national debt would only really have benefited Social Security to the
 extent that the overall ratio of US debt to GDP might become so overly
 burdensome in the near future as to prevent the government from borrowing
 to cover revenue shortfalls in Social Security.  After all, nothing done
in the current year can affect nominal budget *deficits* in future years.

The last statement is clearly false.  We are fortunate that the interest on
the debt is low because interest rates, overall, are low right now.  But,
given a T-bill rate of only 6% (which is below the 40 year average of
7.5%), every trillion in debt reflects a 60 billion/year deficit.

Second, the effect borrowing to cover revenue shortfalls in the future has
to depend on previous borrowing.  For example, let us assume that, instead
of cutting income taxes and raising deficits, Reagan Bush I and Bush II had
budgets with deficits that changed the total national debt, (including that
held in governmental accounts) as a % of GDP,  in the same way they changed
under Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Clinton.  If that happened, we
would have the trust fund exceeding the total national debt, (which would
be in the low 20% of GDP range.)

In this situation, if we funded SS with deficit spending after about 2015
or so through 2050, as intended, the national debt in 2050 would be lower
than if we followed the course we did and then agreed to fund general
government from the excess of SS taxes vs. outgo and then yearly cut SS
benefits to match the tax rate.  With the lower national debt, we could pay
for many other functions of government via. T-bills and be in the exact
same
place in 2050 that we would be if SS benefits were cut from 2015 through
2050.

Let me try to put it another way.  We agree that for algebra, addition
commutes, and is associative, right.  In other words a + (b+c) + (d+e) =
(a+e) + (d+c) + b, right?  So all analysis that involve these functions are
equivalent.  So, by cutting income taxes at the same time the SS tax is
raised above that which is needed to fund is equivalent to shifting the tax
burden for general government



 To which I can only point out, that you can't have it both ways Dan.
On
 one hand, the Social Security Trust Fund represent savings from which the
 government is borrowing.   On the other hand, the Social Security Trust
 Fund represents taxes.   You'll have to pick one or the other, Dan - its
 not fair to keep switching to the one or the other as need to bash
 Republicans.

I thought about this, and I think that there is a vast difference in
perspective between us concerning the nature of government.  That's the
only way that I can see you setting up this dichotomy.

The SS Trust Fund is supposed to be saved and accumulated taxes.  I was
almost 30, with a job and a family at the time the plan was announced, by
Greenspan et. al.  The agreement was that the balance between general
governmental spending and non SS taxes would stay roughly where it had
been.  Thus, the excess SS taxes would then represent a change in the
amount of funding available later.  It is true that there is no difference
between  a total government debt of 7 trillion with a SS trust fund of 3
trillion and a debt of 3 trillion, and just a debt of 4 trillion and no
money set aside for SS.

But, there is a big difference between a total debt of 4 trillion and a SS
trust fund of 3 trillion and a total debt of 4 trillion and no SS trust
fund.

At the time payroll taxes were raised, it was with the expressed
understanding that it would not just be a substitute for income taxes.
Clinton followed this, the total national debt as a % of GDP was lower when
he left than when he came in.  Reagan, Bush I and Bush II did not.

Social Security

 In keeping with the convention of Bush's critics, I did not consider
 payroll taxes to be taxes.I did include all of the tax cuts, and
their
 likely extensions - or rather Citizens for Tax Justice, which performed
the
 analysis that I am citing, did all of these things.

Then I am confused, one goes to that site and finds, from their analysis,

quote
The figures, computed by the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy
using the ITEP
Tax Model, show that combined federal, state and local taxes on the
wealthiest one
percent of Americans will equal 32.8 percent of income this year. For all
other income
groups, combined taxes will average 29.4 percent of income.
# The tax cuts enacted under President Bush have lowered the overall
federal,
state and local tax rate

Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-02-20 Thread Gary Denton
I agree with Dan on all of this.

Gary (top posting) Denton

On Sun, 20 Feb 2005 17:05:37 -0600, Dan Minette
[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 
 - Original Message -
 From: JDG [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: Killer Bs Discussion brin-l@mccmedia.com
 Sent: Wednesday, February 16, 2005 10:25 PM
 Subject: Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan
 
  Dan,
 
  I'm not really sure that it is accurate to describe Bill Clinton as
 wanting
  to save Social Security with the surplus, but I can't admit to being
  particularly interested in that debate right now either.  Now, paying
 down the
  national debt would only really have benefited Social Security to the
  extent that the overall ratio of US debt to GDP might become so overly
  burdensome in the near future as to prevent the government from borrowing
  to cover revenue shortfalls in Social Security.  After all, nothing done
 in the current year can affect nominal budget *deficits* in future years.
 
 The last statement is clearly false.  We are fortunate that the interest on
 the debt is low because interest rates, overall, are low right now.  But,
 given a T-bill rate of only 6% (which is below the 40 year average of
 7.5%), every trillion in debt reflects a 60 billion/year deficit.
 
 Second, the effect borrowing to cover revenue shortfalls in the future has
 to depend on previous borrowing.  For example, let us assume that, instead
 of cutting income taxes and raising deficits, Reagan Bush I and Bush II had
 budgets with deficits that changed the total national debt, (including that
 held in governmental accounts) as a % of GDP,  in the same way they changed
 under Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Clinton.  If that happened, we
 would have the trust fund exceeding the total national debt, (which would
 be in the low 20% of GDP range.)
 
 In this situation, if we funded SS with deficit spending after about 2015
 or so through 2050, as intended, the national debt in 2050 would be lower
 than if we followed the course we did and then agreed to fund general
 government from the excess of SS taxes vs. outgo and then yearly cut SS
 benefits to match the tax rate.  With the lower national debt, we could pay
 for many other functions of government via. T-bills and be in the exact
 same
 place in 2050 that we would be if SS benefits were cut from 2015 through
 2050.
 
 Let me try to put it another way.  We agree that for algebra, addition
 commutes, and is associative, right.  In other words a + (b+c) + (d+e) =
 (a+e) + (d+c) + b, right?  So all analysis that involve these functions are
 equivalent.  So, by cutting income taxes at the same time the SS tax is
 raised above that which is needed to fund is equivalent to shifting the tax
 burden for general government
 
 
  To which I can only point out, that you can't have it both ways Dan.
 On
  one hand, the Social Security Trust Fund represent savings from which the
  government is borrowing.   On the other hand, the Social Security Trust
  Fund represents taxes.   You'll have to pick one or the other, Dan - its
  not fair to keep switching to the one or the other as need to bash
  Republicans.
 
 I thought about this, and I think that there is a vast difference in
 perspective between us concerning the nature of government.  That's the
 only way that I can see you setting up this dichotomy.
 
 The SS Trust Fund is supposed to be saved and accumulated taxes.  I was
 almost 30, with a job and a family at the time the plan was announced, by
 Greenspan et. al.  The agreement was that the balance between general
 governmental spending and non SS taxes would stay roughly where it had
 been.  Thus, the excess SS taxes would then represent a change in the
 amount of funding available later.  It is true that there is no difference
 between  a total government debt of 7 trillion with a SS trust fund of 3
 trillion and a debt of 3 trillion, and just a debt of 4 trillion and no
 money set aside for SS.
 
 But, there is a big difference between a total debt of 4 trillion and a SS
 trust fund of 3 trillion and a total debt of 4 trillion and no SS trust
 fund.
 
 At the time payroll taxes were raised, it was with the expressed
 understanding that it would not just be a substitute for income taxes.
 Clinton followed this, the total national debt as a % of GDP was lower when
 he left than when he came in.  Reagan, Bush I and Bush II did not.
 
 Social Security
 
  In keeping with the convention of Bush's critics, I did not consider
  payroll taxes to be taxes.I did include all of the tax cuts, and
 their
  likely extensions - or rather Citizens for Tax Justice, which performed
 the
  analysis that I am citing, did all of these things.
 
 Then I am confused, one goes to that site and finds, from their analysis,
 
 quote
 The figures, computed by the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy
 using the ITEP
 Tax Model, show that combined federal, state and local taxes on the
 wealthiest one
 percent of Americans

Re: the budget

2005-02-18 Thread Keith Henson
At 06:05 PM 07/02/05 -0800, David Brin wrote:
snip
* We can't grow our way out of these deficits.  As the NY Times analysis 
notes: Despite strong economic growth and soaring corporate profits last 
year, federal tax revenues amounted to only 16.3 percent of the total 
economy, comparable with levels in the 1950's and far below the level of 
21 percent reached during the stock market bubble in 2000.  Spending is 
over 20% of GDP and RISING (it went down every year for 8 years under 
Clinton, to 18% when Bush took office).  20 minus 16 equals A BIG 
DEFICIT.  As Robert Bixby, executive director of the bipartisan Concord 
Coalition notes, What's unrealistic is that they are trying to fund a 
government with today's demands on a 1950's stream of revenue.
This last point is crucial.  The whole basis for giving a trillion dollars 
to the top 5% in this country was that they would invest it all in ways 
that generate so much economic growth that new tax revenues will quickly 
erase the deficit.  What a joke.
Not really.  These people expect the rapture, and that takes care of all 
the money problems.

Of course, they might *get* the techno-rapture, nanotech/AI and the like.
Keith Henson
PS.  I have changed my opinion re upload the lot of them and putting them 
all in a simulated heaven.  It isn't unethical considering what they would 
do to us otherwise.  So go for it.

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Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-02-17 Thread Erik Reuter
* JDG ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) wrote:

 Republicans pretty well kept that from happening.)  Now, paying down
 the national debt would only really have benefited Social Security to
 the extent that the overall ratio of US debt to GDP might become so
 overly burdensome in the near future as to prevent the government from
 borrowing to cover revenue shortfalls in Social Security.  After all,
 nothing done in the current year can affect nominal budget *deficits*
 in future years.

Wrong. Amazing you can get this so wrong, being a government employee
and claiming to be an economist.

You have heard of interest? Fiscal 2004 the interest on the debt
outstanding was more than $321 billion. (58% of the national debt is
held by the public, so a rough guess would be that 58% of that interest
is paid to non-government creditors). That is billions of dollars that
would otherwise be available to spend on things like social security, or
to, I don't know, REDUCE THE BUDGET DEFICIT IN FUTURE YEARS!

http://www.publicdebt.treas.gov/opd/opdint.htm

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Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-02-17 Thread Gary Denton
On Thu, 17 Feb 2005 05:36:34 -0500, Erik Reuter [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 * JDG ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) wrote:
 
  Republicans pretty well kept that from happening.)  Now, paying down
  the national debt would only really have benefited Social Security to
  the extent that the overall ratio of US debt to GDP might become so
  overly burdensome in the near future as to prevent the government from
  borrowing to cover revenue shortfalls in Social Security.  After all,
  nothing done in the current year can affect nominal budget *deficits*
  in future years.
 
 Wrong. Amazing you can get this so wrong, being a government employee
 and claiming to be an economist.
 
 You have heard of interest? Fiscal 2004 the interest on the debt
 outstanding was more than $321 billion. (58% of the national debt is
 held by the public, so a rough guess would be that 58% of that interest
 is paid to non-government creditors). That is billions of dollars that
 would otherwise be available to spend on things like social security, or
 to, I don't know, REDUCE THE BUDGET DEFICIT IN FUTURE YEARS!
 
 http://www.publicdebt.treas.gov/opd/opdint.htm

I will add my criticisms along with Erik's.

Touche' on pyramid-scheme being a pejorative term for Social Security.
Of course, I would make the argument that the difference is that
pyramid-scheme is an *accurate* term for Social Security, whereas
trickle-down economics is purely pejorative but ehhh.. point taken.

Trickle-down economics is a more accurate description  - that is the
rationale used for tax cuts to the wealthy.  It was after focus-group
testing showed the huge negatives of this term that Frank Lundz has
banned this term from conservative discourse and instructed the
recipients of talking-points to denounce it vigorously as pejorative. 
Pyramid scheme is favored by the conservatives.  I dislike it
because until recently  it was assumed that the government would be
run by fairly honorable men not out to fleece the public to support
their friends and then default, at least in the crowd I run around in.
 If  Bush succeeds in defaulting on the government debt held by the
Social Security trust fund than it will have been a pyramid scheme.

Lundz does a lot of testing to reframe the words used in political
discourse and the GOP  and conservative columnists follow in lockstep,
sometimes with humorous results if you are aware of the past discourse
which most of the public is not.  Privatization was the preferred
term by the GOP, until the directive came down that it was now focus
group testing horribly.  Private accounts became the preferred term
for all of two months before the preferred term became personal
accounts.  Most conservatives use the preferred terms not because
they are on the talking-points mailing list but because suddenly the
language the TV and radio heads and politicians they follow change.

This reframing is used less effectively by the Democrats because they
are not an organized party following the 1984 model on language. 
Hell, they are not really an organized party, they're Democrats.

One of the longest running instances of reframing is the conservative
protest over the use of the term democracy for the American system of
government. If democracy, associated with Democrats, is always
denounced and restated that the United States is a republic,
associated with Republicans, it is a point for their side.  Who is
right, they both are, but it doesn't matter as much as the language
you use reshapes the arguments.

Gary Denton
Easter Lemming Liberal News Digest

- I think Brin was on to something in 'Earth' in suggesting the right
to vote be dependent upon subscribing to some opposing viewpoint
media.
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Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-02-16 Thread JDG
Dan,

Touche' on pyramid-scheme being a pejorative term for Social Security.
Of course, I would make the argument that the difference is that
pyramid-scheme is an *accurate* term for Social Security, whereas
trickle-down economics is purely pejorative but ehhh.. point taken.

I'm not really sure that it is accurate to describe Bill Clinton as wanting
to save Social Security with the surplus, but I can't admit to being
particularly interested in that debate right now either.   Basically, I
think that the best argument you can make is that Bill Clinton wanted to
pay down the national debt as much as possible.   (Of course, what Bill
Clinton really wanted to do was nationalize health care, but the
Republicans pretty well kept that from happening.)   Now, paying down the
national debt would only really have benefited Social Security to the
extent that the overall ratio of US debt to GDP might become so overly
burdensome in the near future as to prevent the government from borrowing
to cover revenue shortfalls in Social Security.  After all, nothing done in
the current year can affect nominal budget *deficits* in future years.
Anyhow, even with our current deficits, and comparing our current level of
overall debt to that of other OECD countries, I am not at all sure that
overall US debt is nearing that point.So, while paying down the
national debt would have had some marginal positive effects on our future
ability to borrow to cover Social Security shortfalls, I am not at all sure
that those benefits would have been worth getting all excited about.

You then write:

But, the recession is over and, if you include borrowing from the Social
Security trust fund in the deficit, he's running a 600 billion/year deficit
over 3 years after the recession ended.  

And the again:

Bush's plan is/was to permanantly lower taxes in a manner the benefits the
top 10% households, measured by family income, disporportionately.  He
masks this by talking about only part of the total taxes paid by people and
also talking about only part of his tax cut when he makes comparisions.

To which I can only point out, that you can't have it both ways Dan.On
one hand, the Social Security Trust Fund represent savings from which the
government is borrowing.   On the other hand, the Social Security Trust
Fund represents taxes.   You'll have to pick one or the other, Dan - its
not fair to keep switching to the one or the other as need to bash
Republicans.

whereas Bush's first tax
cut
 was progressivity-neutral  BTW),

Are you sure.  Did you include all of the tax cuts and all of the taxes.
Did you include payroll taxes in your calculation, for example.

In keeping with the convention of Bush's critics, I did not consider
payroll taxes to be taxes.I did include all of the tax cuts, and their
likely extensions - or rather Citizens for Tax Justice, which performed the
analysis that I am citing, did all of these things.   


Lastly, I'll admit that I screwed up in describing the government's take
of the economy in terms of revenues rather than expenditures.   The point,
however, was that increased government revenues, particularly surpluses,
will over time generally allow expenditures to increase (this was
particularly evident in the behavior of State Government budgets over the
past decade), whereas Bush has been explicit that one of his goals has been
to lower Federal Government revenues, and then use pressures to balance the
budget to hopefully achieve a concomitant decrease in Federal Spending.

JDG


At 01:42 PM 1/29/2005 -0600, Dan M.wrote:

- Original Message - 
From: JDG [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion brin-l@mccmedia.com
Sent: Saturday, January 22, 2005 9:16 PM
Subject: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan


 Dan,

 My point is that trickle-down economics is a pejorative propoganda
term.
   Not a term for serious discussion.   Or at least, not if you want me to
 take you seriously.

First, you weren't my audience...I was responding to Erik.  Second, if the
use of pejoritive descriptive terms is a sign of a non-serious discussion
when I use them, why aren't they when you use them?  For example, calling
Social Security a pyramid scheme fits that very well.


 You state the supply-side economics is touted as a means of reducing the
 nominal federal budget deficit, namely by boosting economic growth, which
 should boost federal revenues.

In the long term.  Bush argued again and again that cutting taxes would
get America going.  That they would foster long term ecconomic growth.
Are you seriously arguing that Republicans have not stated that cutting
taxes on the wealthy benefits everyone because that's how the ecconomy is
pushed forward?

 I find this definition of yours difficult
 to believe, however, as President George W. Bush has always expliticly
 stated that his tax cut plan would decrease revenues.

Short term, yes.  But, he has stated over and over that cutting taxes over

the budget

2005-02-07 Thread d.brin

For those who still hypnotoze themselves that Surplus Bill Clinton 
was in some way more of an out of control spendthrift than the 
present gang of looters

Bush revealed his fiscal 2006 budget today and, not surprisingly, it 
is a fraud.  The NY Times has an excellent analysis: 
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/07/business/07fiscal.html?oref=login 
READ IT!

Key points:
* Yet again, Bush's budget includes NOTHING for the wars in Iraq 
and Afghanistan.  That lets him pretend those costs don't exist for 
budgetary purposes.  I could come up with a pretty lean budget too if 
I could pick and choose items to include or exclude from the budget. 
I thought a budget was supposed to reflect your best estimate of what 
you are going to spend.  Guess what.  We're going to spend A LOT of 
money in Iraq in fiscal 2006.  The military know that and is planning 
accordingly.  Heck, they have to estimate and order how much toilet 
paper they will need.  This is downright fraudulent.

* Bush is proposing big increases in the military (even apart 
from his wars) and entitlement spending.  His proposed cuts are 
limited to domestic discretionary spending.

* This past year domestic discretionary spending was less than 
the deficit.  In other words, eliminating 100% of that spending would 
not eliminate the deficit.

* Bush's proposed cuts in domestic discretionary spending (if 
they are enacted - which they won't) would total around $15 billion - 
less than half the amount by which INTEREST on the national debt is 
likely to INCREASE this year.  (Interest on the national debt is 
likely to increase from around $320 billion to $350 billion.)  In 
other words, even draconian cuts in domestic discretionary spending 
can't keep up with just the INCREASE in interest payments on the 
national debt Bush is running up.

* For Bush to cut the deficit in half by 2009, as he has pledged 
to do, he would have to cut domestic discretionary spending IN HALF. 
(Even with his proposed cuts, that spending would remain essentially 
flat.)  And most of Bush's cuts aren't likely to happen.  It's an old 
budget trick (as many corporate warriors know):  List for cuts items 
you KNOW are untouchable.  Then you can claim credit for a 
responsible budget that is total fantasy and blame the ACTUAL 
irresponsible budget on others.

* We can't grow our way out of these deficits.  As the NY Times 
analysis notes: Despite strong economic growth and soaring corporate 
profits last year, federal tax revenues amounted to only 16.3 percent 
of the total economy, comparable with levels in the 1950's and far 
below the level of 21 percent reached during the stock market bubble 
in 2000.  Spending is over 20% of GDP and RISING (it went down every 
year for 8 years under Clinton, to 18% when Bush took office).  20 
minus 16 equals A BIG DEFICIT.  As Robert Bixby, executive director 
of the bipartisan Concord Coalition notes, What's unrealistic is 
that they are trying to fund a government with today's demands on a 
1950's stream of revenue. 

This last point is crucial.  The whole basis for giving a trillion 
dollars to the top 5% in this country was that they would invest it 
all in ways that generate so much economic growth that new tax 
revenues will quickly erase the deficit.  What a joke.
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Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-01-31 Thread Gary Denton
On Sat, 29 Jan 2005 17:56:29 -0500, Erik Reuter [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 * Dan Minette ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) wrote:
  From: JDG [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
   has reduced the government's take of GDP to 17%.
 
  No.  It merely has changed the source of the take.  In 2000, total
  government spending was 18.4% of GDP.  In 2003, it was 19.9%.  Using
  T-bills to finance the government doesn't reduce the take.
 
  Thus, it is not just progressivity, it is the size of the
  government's share in the economy that is also debated.
 
  Should the size be measured in terms of spending and future
  oblications?  Would government have zero size if there was a total tax
  holiday next year and the government was totally financed by debt?
 
 You are absolutely right that the important figure is government
 spending.
 
 I just wanted to add that, except for those who believe in voodoo
 economics and the tooth fairy, a tax cut without a spending cut is not
 really a tax cut at all, but rather a tax shift -- to the future.
 
 --
 Erik Reuter http://www.erikreuter.net/

Agreed.

-- 
Gary Denton
Easter Lemming Liberal News Digest

- I think Brin was on to something in 'Earth' in suggesting the right
to vote be dependent upon subscribing to some opposing viewpoint
media.
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Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-01-29 Thread Dan Minette

- Original Message - 
From: JDG [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion brin-l@mccmedia.com
Sent: Saturday, January 22, 2005 9:16 PM
Subject: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan


 Dan,

 My point is that trickle-down economics is a pejorative propoganda
term.
   Not a term for serious discussion.   Or at least, not if you want me to
 take you seriously.

First, you weren't my audience...I was responding to Erik.  Second, if the
use of pejoritive descriptive terms is a sign of a non-serious discussion
when I use them, why aren't they when you use them?  For example, calling
Social Security a pyramid scheme fits that very well.


 You state the supply-side economics is touted as a means of reducing the
 nominal federal budget deficit, namely by boosting economic growth, which
 should boost federal revenues.

In the long term.  Bush argued again and again that cutting taxes would
get America going.  That they would foster long term ecconomic growth.
Are you seriously arguing that Republicans have not stated that cutting
taxes on the wealthy benefits everyone because that's how the ecconomy is
pushed forward?

 I find this definition of yours difficult
 to believe, however, as President George W. Bush has always expliticly
 stated that his tax cut plan would decrease revenues.

Short term, yes.  But, he has stated over and over that cutting taxes over
the long term will increase prosperity over the long term.  Put the money
in the hands of the American people who better know how to use it.

  During his election campaign he proposed his tax cuts as a means of
reducing the
 nominal federal budget surplus

And Clinton wanted to save Social Security with the surplus...

, and afterwards he was very explicit about
 his intent to run a nominal federal budget deficit in a time of the
 so-called trifecta of recession, war, and national emergency.

But, the recession is over and, if you include borrowing from the Social
Security trust fund in the deficit, he's running a 600 billion/year deficit
over 3 years after the recession ended.  And, he wants to keep the tax cuts
permanantbut doesn't include them in his long term budget figures.

 While fiscal policy as a means of smoothing economic cycles is certainly
 currently in disfavor among economists, I think that it is entirely
 possible that the very, very, mild recession experienced by America in
the
 wake of the popping of the stock market asset bubble may cause some
 rethinking of this.

Bush's plan is/was to permanantly lower taxes in a manner the benefits the
top 10% households, measured by family income, disporportionately.  He
masks this by talking about only part of the total taxes paid by people and
also talking about only part of his tax cut when he makes comparisions.
His tax cut can only be justified if supplied side ecconomics works.



 Lastly, you wrote:
 In general, if Republicans want to change tax structures, they think
that a
 less progressive structure is better.  Democrats think a more
progressive
 structure is better.

 In part, that is because a more-progressive tax structure means higher
tax
 rates, and presumably boosts the size of government.   Indeed, this can
be
 seen in the way that under Clinton, the government began taking around
 21-22% of GDP in tax revnenues, whereas Bush's tax plan (his first tax
cut
 was progressivity-neutral  BTW),

Are you sure.  Did you include all of the tax cuts and all of the taxes.
Did you include payroll taxes in your calculation, for example.

 has reduced the government's take of GDP
 to 17%.

No.  It merely has changed the source of the take.  In 2000, total
government spending was 18.4% of GDP.  In 2003, it was 19.9%.  Using
T-bills to finance the government doesn't reduce the take.

Thus, it is not just progressivity, it is the size of the
 government's share in the economy that is also debated.

Should the size be measured in terms of spending and future oblications?
Would government have zero size if there was a total tax holiday next year
and the government was totally financed by debt?

Dan M.


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Re: Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-01-29 Thread Erik Reuter
* Dan Minette ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) wrote:
 From: JDG [EMAIL PROTECTED]

  has reduced the government's take of GDP to 17%.

 No.  It merely has changed the source of the take.  In 2000, total
 government spending was 18.4% of GDP.  In 2003, it was 19.9%.  Using
 T-bills to finance the government doesn't reduce the take.

 Thus, it is not just progressivity, it is the size of the
 government's share in the economy that is also debated.

 Should the size be measured in terms of spending and future
 oblications?  Would government have zero size if there was a total tax
 holiday next year and the government was totally financed by debt?

You are absolutely right that the important figure is government
spending.

I just wanted to add that, except for those who believe in voodoo
economics and the tooth fairy, a tax cut without a spending cut is not
really a tax cut at all, but rather a tax shift -- to the future.

--
Erik Reuter http://www.erikreuter.net/
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Budget Deficits and Supply-Siders Re: Kotlikoff's PSS plan

2005-01-22 Thread JDG
Dan,

My point is that trickle-down economics is a pejorative propoganda term.
  Not a term for serious discussion.   Or at least, not if you want me to
take you seriously.   

You state the supply-side economics is touted as a means of reducing the
nominal federal budget deficit, namely by boosting economic growth, which
should boost federal revenues.   I find this definition of yours difficult
to believe, however, as President George W. Bush has always expliticly
stated that his tax cut plan would decrease revenues.During his
election campaign he proposed his tax cuts as a means of reducing the
nominal federal budget surplus, and afterwards he was very explicit about
his intent to run a nominal federal budget deficit in a time of the
so-called trifecta of recession, war, and national emergency.

While fiscal policy as a means of smoothing economic cycles is certainly
currently in disfavor among economists, I think that it is entirely
possible that the very, very, mild recession experienced by America in the
wake of the popping of the stock market asset bubble may cause some
rethinking of this. Well, actually, the real criticism is that it is
hard for the government to pull the finger off the fiscal primer once the
good times get rolling again.We will see what happens this time if
America does indeed re-enter a boom cycle under Bush's Second term.

Lastly, you wrote:
In general, if Republicans want to change tax structures, they think that a
less progressive structure is better.  Democrats think a more progressive
structure is better.  

In part, that is because a more-progressive tax structure means higher tax
rates, and presumably boosts the size of government.   Indeed, this can be
seen in the way that under Clinton, the government began taking around
21-22% of GDP in tax revnenues, whereas Bush's tax plan (his first tax cut
was progressivity-neutral  BTW), has reduced the government's take of GDP
to 17%.   Thus, it is not just progressivity, it is the size of the
government's share in the economy that is also debated.I would argue
that supply-side economics predominantly argues that by reducing
government's share of GDP that economic growth can be increased.
Moreover, supply-side economics further argues that by pumping the supply
end of the economy, rather than the deamdn-end of the economy, one can
boost economic growth without increasing inflation.I don't think that
there are many people serious arguing the view you allege - that the United
States is currently on the top end of the Laffer Curve, and that
government revenues can be increased through tax cuts.

JDG


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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-23 Thread JDG
At 11:58 AM 10/22/2004 -0500 Dan Minette wrote:
Clinton, on the other hand, stands out for increasing normalized revenues

Presuming, of course, that you consider increasing federal revenues to 21%
of GDP for the first time since World War II to be a good thing. 

JDG

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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-23 Thread JDG
At 09:57 AM 10/23/2004 -0400 JDG wrote:
At 11:58 AM 10/22/2004 -0500 Dan Minette wrote:
Clinton, on the other hand, stands out for increasing normalized revenues

Presuming, of course, that you consider increasing federal revenues to 21%
of GDP for the first time since World War II to be a good thing. 

I would also point out that there are limits to % GDP analysis in the
short term.After all, if you have a recession, GDP goes down.   This
means that you would either have to cut government spending, or else let
government spending rise as a percentage of GDP.  Likewise, when GDP is
growing quickly, even a relatively loose policy of government spending
increases can be dwarfed by rises in GDP.

JDG

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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-23 Thread JDG
At 02:16 PM 10/22/2004 -0700 David Brin wrote:
--- Dan M offered interesting statistics.  But the
core thing is this.  Clinton asked THIS generation to
pay for our own expenses.  W is demanding that our
children pay for a trillion dollar gift to his
friends...

Actually, John Kerry has been campaigning all week on precisely the
opposite point in particular, Kerry is arguing that Bush is planning on
making this generation to pay for their own retirement expenses, rather
than imposing the burden of their retirement on their children.

So, which is it?

JDG

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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-23 Thread Dan Minette

- Original Message - 
From: David Brin [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Friday, October 22, 2004 8:37 PM
Subject: Re: Brin: US Budget



   Did you consider the tribute that Saudi Arabia
  and Kuwait
   were paying after the 1st Gulf War?

 The incredible fact that the 91 war was run at a
 profit sort of helps make up (but nothing can ever
 make up) for the Shame of 91.  See http://www.davidbrin.com/shame.html


I've read your analysis of this, but I'm not really sure exactly the steps
you were advocating.  Yes, I know its go into Iraq and, at a minimum,
establish a safe base for Shiites there, and at a maximum take out Hussein
ourselves.  But, I don't see some steps that are crucial to me.  Here's
what I see happened.

1) Iraq invades Kuwait.

2) Bush sets up Desert Shield in Saudi Arabia and negotiates with many
world leaders

3) He obtains agreement to oust Hussein's army from Kuwait, but to only do
that.  He agrees to not invade Iraq. He thinks he can inflict enough damage
on Hussein's forces and reputation to cause him to be overthrown even
operating within those boundaries.

4) Desert Storm happens, following that line.

5) There are uprisings in Iraq, which find encouragement and promises of
support from Bush (Does anyone have a definitive, reliable source on what
was dropped/broadcast?)  The support was not as strong as it needed to be
and the uprisings failed.  (Does anyone know if anything was done at
first...I don't recall how long it took the no fly zones to be established.

What I am curious about is whether you disagree with my description of the
chain of events, you think we should never have promised to not invade
Iraq, or we should have promised to not invade Iraq and then invaded Iraq
anyways...or pick option 4 that I can't see. :-)

I think Bush was wrong to promise the people of Iraq more than he was
willing to actually deliver. I have no argument with you faulting him for
that. But, I don't think he was wrong to agree to not invade Iraq as the
price of getting a great deal of cooperation.  Without permission to launch
an attack from Saudi Arabia, the war would have been more difficult.

And, I remember how many reasonable people thought the war was going to be
much harder than it was.  IIRC, Powell warned that US casualties could be
40k injured and dead. The Iraqi army was considered battle tested, and
about the 5th or 6th best Army in the world.  The US had not faced such a
strong force since Nam, or Korea.

I also don't fault him for not invading Iraq...since he gave the word of
the US, government to government, that we would not do so.  He
overestimated the effect of the defeated army; and underestimated the
importance of the basically intact Republican Guard..his elite force.  (At
least that is how I remembered it.)

In short, I see him as being pragmatic and taking half a loaf immediately
(Kuwait retaken) while having reasonable expectations for the last half
loaf (Hussein overthrown).  It didn't happen, so his judgment was off.
But, few at the time were advocating invading Iraq while the Arabs withdrew
their support.

One final personal political statement.  I voted against him twice, so I
have no stake in reviewing him positively...I just want to call the shots
as I see themeven if it goes against the grain of my political
persuasions.

Dan M.





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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-23 Thread David Brin

--- Dan

your attempt to paraphrase and clarify is appreciated
as sincere, but it breaks down with the following:

 3) He obtains agreement to oust Hussein's army from
 Kuwait, but to only do
 that.  He agrees to not invade Iraq. He thinks he
 can inflict enough damage  on Hussein's forces and
reputation to cause him to  be overthrown even
 operating within those boundaries.

This is weird.  H had VASTLY more legal authority to
act flexibly against Saddam than W ever had.  It is
incredible neocon weaseling to say we never had
authority to oust Saddam in 91!  I will not dissect
such drivel.  I will scrape it off my boot.

 
 4) Desert Storm happens, following that line.
 
 5) There are uprisings in Iraq, which find
 encouragement and promises of
 support from Bush (Does anyone have a definitive,
 reliable source on what
 was dropped/broadcast?)  The support was not as
 strong as it needed to be


Yeow!  Talk about understatement.  Schwarzkopf says
that the Iraqi generals stared, dumbfounded, when we
said go ahead and fly your helicopter gunships all
you want!


 What I am curious about is whether you disagree with
 my description of the
 chain of events, you think we should never have
 promised to not invade
 Iraq,


SHow me the promise.  Moreover, we were already in
Iraq.  ANd Iraqi generals and soldiers were pleading
to be sent against Saddam

... exactly as many pleaded THIS time to be allowed to
help establish order.  Before the entire Iraqi army
was dissolved -- instead of purged -- at orders from
Riyadh.  A decision that makes sense only if you WANT
american soldiers to die establishing order
themselves.

 or we should have promised to not invade Iraq
 and then invaded Iraq
 anyways...or pick option 4 that I can't see. :-)
 
 I think Bush was wrong to promise the people of Iraq
 more than he was
 willing to actually deliver. 

He probably was sincere, till his masters phoned him
with the stop order.


I have no argument with
 you faulting him for
 that. But, I don't think he was wrong to agree to
 not invade Iraq as the
 price of getting a great deal of cooperation. 

Sorry.  It's crap.  Nobody in Europe or Asia would
have minded rescuing the people of Basra.  He never
promised anybody to stand by and watch them be
murdered.  He simply made that decision.

Or rather let it be made for him.


 Without permission to launch
 an attack from Saudi Arabia, the war would have been
 more difficult.

The saudis were pissing in their pants!  Their monster
Saddam had gone berserk and they were next.  H made NO
SUCH PROMISE. And if he did, he had no need to keep
it.


 And, I remember how many reasonable people thought
 the war was going to be
 much harder than it was.  IIRC, Powell warned that
 US casualties could be
 40k injured and dead. The Iraqi army was considered
 battle tested, and
 about the 5th or 6th best Army in the world.  The US
 had not faced such a
 strong force since Nam, or Korea.

I will not argue here.  The US military is awesome. 
Its officer corps is the best ever seen.  They are the
3rd most educated clade in american society.

And they are our sole hope if W is re-elected.  They
are heirs of George Marshall and they will not
cooperate with his plans.

Which is why, in today's paper, we see that Goss, the
new CIA Director, has already betrayed his promise to
stop being a partisan hack (as if anyone believed
him).  He brought in 20 veteran neocon gopper staffers
to replace professionals in top positions.  And one of
them has been roaming the halls at the CIA bragging
that over a hundred heads will roll right after the
election.  (According to SEVERAL leak-source paths).

They have to start mass firings and house cleanings. 
Watch as the purges begin.  They'll find they have to
cut dep before they get to rotten apples who will
go along with betraying us.

Oh... and then there is the blatant squelching of the
part of the 9/11 report that talks about Saudi
Complicity.

CAN NONE OF YOU SEE THAT AS WORRISOME?


 I also don't fault him for not invading Iraq...since
 he gave the word of
 the US, government to government, that we would not
 do so. 


SORRY, THAT IS  simply nonsense.  We gave our word to
the Geneva Convention but have violated it several
thousand times this year alone.  We gave our word AS A
PEOPLE AND A NATION to the Shiites to help them.

We owed NOTHING of the sort to the Saudis and
Kuwaitis, whose asses we had saved.  That is simply
sophistry.

 
 In short, I see him as being pragmatic and taking
 half a loaf immediately
 (Kuwait retaken) while having reasonable
 expectations for the last half
 loaf (Hussein overthrown).

I can see you see it that way.  This is less silly
than the pomise crap.  But it is still silly.


 
 One final personal political statement.  I voted
 against him twice, so I
 have no stake in reviewing him positively...I just
 want to call the shots
 as I see themeven if it goes against the grain
 of my political
 persuasions.

I respect your 

Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Dan Minette
David's comment on the US budget got me thinking...how has income and
expenses changed (as a fraction of GDP) over the last 50 or so years.
Here's some US budget  numbers for % changes over 4 year
intervals...corresponding to presidential terms:

YearIncome  Expense
   change   change
1956   -7.9%   -14.9%
1960 1.7% 7.9%
1964   -1.1% 0.0
1968 0.0% 10.8%
1972 0.0%   -4.4%
1976   -2.8% 9.2%
1980 11.1% 1.4%
1984   -8.9% 1.8%
1988 4.6%   -4.1%
1992   -3.3% 4.2%
1996 8.0%   -8.1%
2000 10.6%   -9.4%
2004   -24.9% 0.1

The income change over the last 4 years stands out.  Bush Jr. has reduced
governmental income from 20.9% of GDP to 15.7% of GDP.  The last time it
was that low was a brief span between 49-50.  The one caveat is that 2004
is an estimate...so the drop may not be quite that bigbut a quick
search did not yield updated numbers.  Even a 3 year number 2000-2003
indicates a drop of 21.1%.

Even this three year number shows more than double the previous maximum
drop: during the first Reagan term.  With the additional tax cuts passed
today,one can expect this number to continue to drop if Bush is re-elected.
Clinton, on the other hand, stands out for increasing normalized revenues
while decreasing normalized expenses over 8 years.

Dan M.



Dan M.

The source for my numbers is:

http://www.gpoaccess.gov/usbudget/fy05/hist.html

Which seems like a non-partisan site to me.



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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Dan Minette
One more set of numbers...this time its a breakdown of the sources of
income for the US government:..as a fraction of GDP.  The income tax, as a
% of receipts goes up and down.  But, we see corporate taxes fall
significantly, while the Social security tax rises...almost in exact
opposition.  In 1952, income taxes, corporate taxes, and SS provided 42%,
32%, and 10% respectively.  In 2004, 43%, 9%, 41% respectively  (excises
and other taxes also fell during that period).  Since wealth is
concentrated among upper income earners,  there is no SS tax on investment
income, and there is an upper limit to the income taxed for SS, we see a
very significant shift in taxes from upper income to lower income tax
payers.

This shift is significantly understated if we focus only on the income tax,
which tends to provide only 40% of the governmental income.  The shift in
the other taxes is where we see the vast majority of the shift in the tax
base.

   Income  Corporate   Social
Year  Tax  TaxSecurity + Medicare
1952  8.0  6.1  1.8
1956  7.5  4.9  2.2
1960  7.8  4.1  2.8
1964  7.6  3.7  3.4
1968  7.9  3.3  3.9
1972  8.0  2.7  4.5
1976  7.6  2.4  5.2
1980  9.0  2.4  5.8
1984  7.8  1.5  6.2
1988  8.0  1.9  6.7
1992  7.6  1.6  6.6
1996  8.5  2.2  6.6
200010.3  2.1  6.7
2004  6.7  1.5  6.4


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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread David Brin

--- Dan M offered interesting statistics.  But the
core thing is this.  Clinton asked THIS generation to
pay for our own expenses.  W is demanding that our
children pay for a trillion dollar gift to his
friends...

...on the excuse that his frat brothers will tthen
invest in jobs at home (they have not) and
productivity/tools etc (they have not). 

Oh, this is the only time that we have gone to war in
US history with the president asking for tax cuts
instead of prudently asking taxpayers (especially the
rich) to fork over in their own defense).
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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Dave Land
--- Dan M offered interesting statistics.  But the
core thing is this.  Clinton asked THIS generation to
pay for our own expenses.  W is demanding that our
children pay for a trillion dollar gift to his
friends...
...on the excuse that his frat brothers will tthen
invest in jobs at home (they have not) and
productivity/tools etc (they have not).
Oh, this is the only time that we have gone to war in
US history with the president asking for tax cuts
instead of prudently asking taxpayers (especially the
rich) to fork over in their own defense).
You know, if this war *really* was for our own defense,
I think I could almost stomach leaving a debt that vast
for my son and his children to pay.
Dave
Experts Agree: Everything's Just Fine Maru
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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Alberto Monteiro
Dan Minette asked:

 Did you consider the tribute that Saudi Arabia and Kuwait
 were paying after the 1st Gulf War? That could easily justify
 this difference.

 How much was this tribute supposed to have been?

Some hundreds of billions

Alberto Monteiro

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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread David Brin

  Did you consider the tribute that Saudi Arabia
 and Kuwait
  were paying after the 1st Gulf War?

The incredible fact that the 91 war was run at a
profit sort of helps make up (but nothing can ever
make up) for the Shame of 91.  See http://www.davidbrin.com/shame.html
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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Dan Minette

- Original Message - 
From: Alberto Monteiro [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Friday, October 22, 2004 8:17 PM
Subject: Re: Brin: US Budget


 Dan Minette asked:
 
  Did you consider the tribute that Saudi Arabia and Kuwait
  were paying after the 1st Gulf War? That could easily justify
  this difference.
 
  How much was this tribute supposed to have been?
 
 Some hundreds of billions

First of all; a number of nations did chip in for the cost of the first
Gulf War.  It amounted to less than 100 billion.  The Saudis, the Kuwaitis
and the Japanese were the biggest contributors.

But, let us look at that kind of money over 9 years (assuming it started
late in '91 and ended when Clinton left office.)  That comes to ~11
billion/year, about 0.1% of the US GDP.

That's in the noise, to first order.

Plus, its hard to believe the GHB would let Clinton's budget get the credit
while his took the hit.

Dan M.

Dan M.


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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Erik Reuter
On Fri, Oct 22, 2004 at 11:58:12AM -0500, Dan Minette wrote:
 
 The source for my numbers is:
 
 http://www.gpoaccess.gov/usbudget/fy05/hist.html

Very interesting data, Dan. Thanks for posting the link. I graphed
it here: 

  http://erikreuter.net/econ/budget.png

A couple things that jumped out at me while staring at the graph. Around
both World Wars, government outlays spiked (as expected), and we ran
a deficit. But government income also spiked. So taxpayers were asked
to help pay for the war, as David mentioned. But in 2001-2004, outlays
spiked BUT income dropped, just as David pointed out.

The other thing I thought was interesting may not be apparent to people
who aren't into stock market history. So, to give some very brief
background, most market historians divide stock market history into
secular bear and secular bull markets (secular in the sense of an
age or long period of time). Generally, the last 80 or so years are
classified as follows:

  1921-1929 secular bull
  1929-1949 secular bear
  1949-1966 secular bull
  1966-1982 secular bear
  1982-2000 secular bull
  2000- secular bear?

I think it is interesting to look at the graph 

  http://erikreuter.net/econ/budget.png

and see that government outlays, as a percent of GDP, were generally:

  decreasing from 1919 to 1929
  increasing from 1929 to 1953
  slightly decreasing from 1953 to 1965
  increasing from 1965 to 1982
  decreasing from 1982 to 2000
  increasing from 2000 to 2004

The correlation between long term trends of government spending as
a percent of GDP and stock market performance looks very strong.
Increasing government spending seems to go along with secular bear
markets and decreasing government spending correlates with secular bull
markets.

I don't know what the causality is here (which one causes the other?
or are they both caused by some other variable?), but I think the
correlation is interesting.


-- 
Erik Reuter   http://www.erikreuter.net/
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Re: Br!n: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread John D. Giorgis
At 08:45 PM 10/22/2004 -0500 Dan Minette wrote:
First of all; a number of nations did chip in for the cost of the first
Gulf War.  It amounted to less than 100 billion.  The Saudis, the Kuwaitis
and the Japanese were the biggest contributors.

But, let us look at that kind of money over 9 years (assuming it started
late in '91 and ended when Clinton left office.)  That comes to ~11
billion/year, about 0.1% of the US GDP.

That's in the noise, to first order.

The above is correct.

Plus, its hard to believe the GHB would let Clinton's budget get the credit
while his took the hit.

That is just plain ridiculous.The Allies made their contributions when
they made them.   President Bush had a window of about three months between
thinking he would have a second term and Clinton taking office, and he
certainly made no such adjustment.

JDG
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Re: Brin: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Alberto Monteiro
Dan Minette wrote:

 First of all; a number of nations did chip in for the cost of the first
 Gulf War.  It amounted to less than 100 billion.  The Saudis, the Kuwaitis
 and the Japanese were the biggest contributors.

 But, let us look at that kind of money over 9 years (assuming it started
 late in '91 and ended when Clinton left office.)  That comes to ~11
 billion/year, about 0.1% of the US GDP.

 That's in the noise, to first order.

If getting free oil for 10+ years is noise, then what's the point of the
2nd Gulf War? Why bother with the oil prices? Let it get to 100 
dollars per (unit of volume), and let China get blown! Something 
must be wrong in this logic.

Alberto Monteiro the monomaniac

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Re: Br!n: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Dan Minette

- Original Message - 
From: John D. Giorgis [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Friday, October 22, 2004 9:34 PM
Subject: Re: Br!n: US Budget


 At 08:45 PM 10/22/2004 -0500 Dan Minette wrote:
 First of all; a number of nations did chip in for the cost of the first
 Gulf War.  It amounted to less than 100 billion.  The Saudis, the
Kuwaitis
 and the Japanese were the biggest contributors.
 
 But, let us look at that kind of money over 9 years (assuming it started
 late in '91 and ended when Clinton left office.)  That comes to ~11
 billion/year, about 0.1% of the US GDP.
 
 That's in the noise, to first order.

 The above is correct.

 Plus, its hard to believe the GHB would let Clinton's budget get the
credit
 while his took the hit.

 That is just plain ridiculous.The Allies made their contributions
when
 they made them.   President Bush had a window of about three months
between
 thinking he would have a second term and Clinton taking office, and he
 certainly made no such adjustment.

Well, reasonably, he was thinking he might have a second term...not that he
would.  Given the fact that it was only about 60-70 billion...and a number
of countries contributed...I cannot imagine that the payment and the cost
all fit together.

I'm not accusing Bush of anything more than what I consider  fairly
reasonable accounting practices.  Its true that the cash flow wasn't there,
but the credits do belong in the same fiscal year as the costs they were
covering. So, in an election year with a big deficit; why make things look
worse than they really are?

Dan M.


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Re: Br!n: US Budget

2004-10-22 Thread Dan Minette
whoops

- Original Message - 
From: Dan Minette [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Killer Bs Discussion [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Friday, October 22, 2004 11:45 PM
Subject: Re: Br!n: US Budget

 Well, reasonably, he was thinking he might have a second term...not that
he
 would.  Given the fact that it was only about 60-70 billion...and a
number
 of countries contributed...I cannot imagine that the payment and the cost
did not all fit within a moderately short time period.


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Plan 3 From Outer Space: The Bush Budget Switch

2004-01-15 Thread Robert Seeberger
http://www.spacedaily.com/news/nasa-04c.html

There is a lot to like in President Bush's new space initiative. Most
of the technical and programmatic changes to the current hopeless NASA
plan are steps that various critics have been suggesting for some
time: early phase-out of Shuttle, dumping the decaying corpse of the
Space Station onto the shoulders of the International Partners,
scrapping the winged Orbital Space Plane in favor of a ballistic
Apollo Mark II vehicle with Moon-return and Mars-return capability.
But hidden in the President's speech and the supporting documents is
clear evidence that the funding plan for the New Space Order underwent
major surgery, probably in the last 2 days before the speech. There
are artifacts of three different plans for obtaining the billions of
dollars needed over the next five years to develop the Crew(ed)
Exploration Vehicle:

The first plan, leaked to the news media several days ago, was for a
~%5 annual increase in the NASA budget each year for the period
FY05-FY09. Given a current budget of $15.4B, this works out to ~$12B
of new money over the remainder of the decade.

This is about in the middle of the cost range estimated for the old
OSP program by independent analysts. For the post-2009 era, senior
officials spoke of massive savings from the termination of Shuttle
and Station -- and also making hard choices between manned and
unmanned programs in the future.

A second funding plan appears as one of the talking points in the
White House press release:

# From the current 2004 level of $15.4 billion, the President's
proposal will increase NASA's budget by an average of 5 percent per
year over the next three years, and at approximately 1 percent or less
per year for the two years after those.

This implies a major reduction in new money from the leaked plan of
continous %5 increases.

Yet a third funding plan is given in the President's actual speech:

NASA's current five-year budget is $86 billion. Most of the funding
we need for the new endeavors will come from reallocating $11 billion
within that budget. We need some new resources, however. I will call
upon Congress to increase NASA's budget by roughly a billion dollars,
spread out over the next five years.

This dramatically different funding plan is confirmed in two more
bullets in the press release:

# The funding added for exploration will total $12 billion over the
next five years. Most of this added funding for new exploration will
come from reallocation of $11 billion that is currently within the
five-year total NASA budget of $86 billion.

# In the Fiscal Year (FY) 2005 budget, the President will request an
additional $1 billion to NASA's existing five-year plan, or an average
of $200 million per year.

So in only four days, the amount of new money the Bush Administration
plans to spend on its Crewed Exploration Initiative has dropped by
$11B, and this missing money is now to be obtained from existing NASA
programs at the rate of ~$2B/yr.

Someday we may learn of the last-minute political logrolling that
produced this astonishing change (and the staff bungling that left two
wildly contradictory bullets on the same page of a White House press
release). But right now let's look at the possible impact of Plan 3 on
NASA.

The first question to ask is: Will this massive redistribution of
funds come from other elements of the manned program, or from the rest
of NASA?

There is essentially no possibility of squeezing this kind of money
out of the existing manned programs. There can't be any significant
scale back in Shuttle or Station in the FY05-09 time frame, because we
will still be assembling the Station. Possibly there will be some
small reduction in the Shuttle flight rate from the former 5/yr. But
as NASA never tires of mentioning, cutting back the flight rate of
Shuttle doesn't save a lot because the marching army of support people
have to be kept on salary anyway. Implementing the CAIB
reccomendations will increase cost and staffing levels, not reduce
them. Maybe they can save some money by letting VAB and the rest of
LC-39 decay away, but not very much.

So there is really no alternative to cutting over $2B/yr out of the
non-manned-space half of NASA's budget. That's a ~%35 cut if you
assume it is equally distributed over the five years 2005-2009!! If it
is ramped in like most big budget cuts, the final cut by 2009 would be
much larger. Goodbye aeronautical research, goodbye Webb Space
Telescope, goodbye planetary probes to boring places like asteroids.

Do we really want to trade all this in for Apollo Mark II? A lot of
people will say no. Even a lot of Space Cadets will say no. We lost
ten years of solar system exploration to pay for the Shuttle and it
left a bloody wound that still drips. A lot of influential people will
fight this proposal to the last round, and then fix bayonets and keep
on fighting until it is defeated.

I could go on for pages with minute analysis of the Bush space plan

US Budget Re: 3 weeks

2003-04-12 Thread John D. Giorgis
At 09:41 PM 4/9/2003 -0500 Dan Minette wrote:
28% of the Texas state budget is spent on K-12 and 21% is spent on higher
education. On the whole, state and local budgets average about 4% of the
GDP of the US, and the federal budget averages about 20% or so.

*Averages* 20%?

Over what time period?

JDG
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Who Lost the U.S. Budget?

2003-03-25 Thread The Fool
http://archive.nytimes.com/2003/03/21/opinion/21KRUG.html

Who Lost the U.S. Budget?
By PAUL KRUGMAN


The Onion describes itself as America's finest news source, and it's
not an idle boast. On Jan. 18, 2001, the satirical weekly bore the
headline Bush: Our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is
finally over, followed by this mock quotation: We must squander our
nation's hard-won budget surplus on tax breaks for the wealthiest 15
percent. And, on the foreign front, we must find an enemy and defeat it.

Whatever our qualms about how we got here, all Americans now hope that
the foreign front proceeds according to plan. Meanwhile, let's talk about
the fiscal front.

The latest official projections acknowledge (if you read them carefully)
that the long-term finances of the U.S. government are in much worse
shape than the administration admitted a year ago. But many commentators
are reluctant to blame George W. Bush for that grim outlook, preferring
instead to say something like this: Sure, you can criticize those tax
cuts, but the real problem is the long-run deficits of Social Security
and Medicare, and the unwillingness of either party to reform those
programs.

Why is this line appealing? It seems more reasonable to blame
longstanding problems for our fiscal troubles than to attribute them to
just two years of bad policy decisions. Also, many pundits like to sound
balanced, pronouncing a plague on both parties' houses. To accuse the
current administration of wrecking the federal budget sounds, well,
shrill — and we don't want to sound shrill, do we?

There's only one problem with this reasonable, balanced, non-shrill
position: it's completely wrong. The Bush tax cuts, not the retirement
programs, are the main reason why our fiscal future suddenly looks so
bleak.

I base that statement on a new study that compares the size of the Bush
tax cuts with that of the prospective deficits of Social Security and
Medicare. The results are startling.

Accountants estimate the actuarial balance of Social Security and
Medicare the same way a private insurance company would: they calculate
the present value of projected revenues and outlays, and find the
difference. (The present value of a future expense is the amount you
would have to invest today to have the money when the bill comes due. For
example, if $1 invested in U.S. government bonds would be worth $2 by the
year 2020, then the present value of $2 in 2020 is $1 today.) And both
programs face shortfalls: the estimated actuarial deficit of Social
Security over the next 75 years is $3.5 trillion, and that of Medicare is
$6.2 trillion.

But how do these shortfalls compare with the fiscal effects of recent and
probable future tax cuts?

The new study, carried out by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities,
estimates the present value of the revenue that will be lost because of
the Bush tax cuts — those that have already taken place, together with
those that have been proposed — using the same economic assumptions that
underlie those Medicare and Social Security projections. The total comes
to $12 trillion to $14 trillion — more than the Social Security and
Medicare shortfalls combined. What this means is that the revenue that
will be sacrificed because of those tax cuts is not a minor concern. On
the contrary, that revenue would have been more than enough to top up
Social Security and Medicare, allowing them to operate without benefit
cuts for the next 75 years. 

The administration has tried to deny this conclusion, inventing strange
new principles of accounting in the process. But the simple truth is that
the Bush tax cuts have utterly transformed our fiscal outlook, for the
worse. Without those tax cuts, the problems of an aging population might
well have been manageable; with them, nothing short of an economic
miracle can save us from a fiscal crisis.

And there's a lesson here that goes beyond fiscal policies. On almost
every front the outlook for the United States now seems far bleaker than
it did two years ago. Has everything gone wrong because of evildoers and
external forces? In the case of the budget — and the economy and, yes,
foreign policy — the answer is no. The world has turned out to be a
tougher place than we thought a few years ago, but things didn't have to
be nearly this bad.

The fault lies not in our stars, but in our leadership.   


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Re: NASA Historical budget

2003-02-04 Thread Kevin Tarr
At 11:57 PM 2/2/2003 -0600, you wrote:


- Original Message -
From: Dan Minette [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Sunday, February 02, 2003 11:51 PM
Subject: NASA Historical budget


 I did a bit of research, and have come up with the following numbers for
 NASA's budget decade by decade.  For the '60s, I had to do a bit of
 estimation for '60 and 61, but the number shouldn't be too far off,
because
 that was before the NASA budget really took off.

 In constant 2002 dollars the budget was

 60s 187 billion
 70s 127 billion
 80s 122 billion
 90s 163 billion

 Think of what was accomplished in the '60s compared to the '80s and '90s
 put together.  It isn't just the money.


Now divide it by the number of missions per decade.

That would change things a bit. (Of course you have to subtract all the
non-manned mission cost centers to get an accurate reading.)

As a percentage of GDP is also interesting. I wish I had those figures handy
too.

rob



I'm a few days behind in case someone else says this in a message I have 
not read yet. I agree with Rob and think Westerbrokkes column (the Time Mag 
story) was playing fast and lose with the facts. Maybe someone has actually 
said this at NASA, that there is no reason for the space station/shuttle 
other than to support each other. I have not heard a reply to this, but 
there has to be more than that.

After the moon landings, what is the most successful space venture? The two 
spacecraft that are farthest from us, Vikings? Galileo? Pathfinder? What 
have they really done for us in terms of science? No matter what they 
discovered, there is nothing than can be gained, application wise, from 
these missions. Hasn't the shuttle done anything? There has to be something 
that had a direct impact on some field that produced money. Even worthless 
missions, money wise, like the one that discovered ancient trade routes in 
the desert, I doubt that could be done using planes in the same amount of 
time. Yes it could be done cheaper, if you hang the whole cost of the 
launch on the neck of this one experiment. But there are other experiments 
always being done on each launch.

I know the teaching hospital nearby had rats on this shuttle, for some 
test. AFAIK they were just being sent up and back, nothing was being done 
with them in space so no data was gathered at all. I doubt they were 
looking for a cure for cancer, but whatever it was it wouldn't be done 
without the shuttle.

Scrapping the space plane was stupid, but every single government program 
has costs overruns and NASA had to reign in costs, to get refocused.

I'm rambling, stupid cold.

Kevin T.
I don't want to go to work

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NASA Historical budget

2003-02-02 Thread Dan Minette
I did a bit of research, and have come up with the following numbers for
NASA's budget decade by decade.  For the '60s, I had to do a bit of
estimation for '60 and 61, but the number shouldn't be too far off, because
that was before the NASA budget really took off.

In constant 2002 dollars the budget was

60s 187 billion
70s 127 billion
80s 122 billion
90s 163 billion

Think of what was accomplished in the '60s compared to the '80s and '90s
put together.  It isn't just the money.

Dan M.



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Re: NASA Historical budget

2003-02-02 Thread Robert Seeberger

- Original Message -
From: Dan Minette [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Sunday, February 02, 2003 11:51 PM
Subject: NASA Historical budget


 I did a bit of research, and have come up with the following numbers for
 NASA's budget decade by decade.  For the '60s, I had to do a bit of
 estimation for '60 and 61, but the number shouldn't be too far off,
because
 that was before the NASA budget really took off.

 In constant 2002 dollars the budget was

 60s 187 billion
 70s 127 billion
 80s 122 billion
 90s 163 billion

 Think of what was accomplished in the '60s compared to the '80s and '90s
 put together.  It isn't just the money.


Now divide it by the number of missions per decade.

That would change things a bit. (Of course you have to subtract all the
non-manned mission cost centers to get an accurate reading.)

As a percentage of GDP is also interesting. I wish I had those figures handy
too.

rob


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Re: NASA Historical budget

2003-02-02 Thread Trent Shipley
Have allocations changed?

I can see the 1960's budgets going to Cold War theatre.

There are (at least) three big parts to the NASA budget:

1) Manned space flight.
2) Unmanned solar-system exploration.
3) Basic Research (my favorite).  Eg: fluid-dynamics, propulsion for civil 
aviation, and unmanned ground-traversing vehicles.


(Still, I say we rape NASAs budget and put it all ... er, a couple of billion 
into the sexy and exciting humanities and social sciences!  [Psychohistory: 
the ultimate clandestine weapon.])

On Sunday 2003-02-02 22:51, Dan Minette wrote:
 I did a bit of research, and have come up with the following numbers for
 NASA's budget decade by decade.  For the '60s, I had to do a bit of
 estimation for '60 and 61, but the number shouldn't be too far off, because
 that was before the NASA budget really took off.

 In constant 2002 dollars the budget was

 60s 187 billion
 70s 127 billion
 80s 122 billion
 90s 163 billion

 Think of what was accomplished in the '60s compared to the '80s and '90s
 put together.  It isn't just the money.

 Dan M.



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Re: NASA Historical budget

2003-02-02 Thread Dan Minette

- Original Message -
From: Robert Seeberger [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Sunday, February 02, 2003 11:57 PM
Subject: Re: NASA Historical budget



 - Original Message -
 From: Dan Minette [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Sent: Sunday, February 02, 2003 11:51 PM
 Subject: NASA Historical budget


  I did a bit of research, and have come up with the following numbers
for
  NASA's budget decade by decade.  For the '60s, I had to do a bit of
  estimation for '60 and 61, but the number shouldn't be too far off,
 because
  that was before the NASA budget really took off.
 
  In constant 2002 dollars the budget was
 
  60s 187 billion
  70s 127 billion
  80s 122 billion
  90s 163 billion
 
  Think of what was accomplished in the '60s compared to the '80s and
'90s
  put together.  It isn't just the money.
 

 Now divide it by the number of missions per decade.

Why?  Are you aruging that we are running too many missions?  Look at where
space flight was in 1960 vs. 1970.  Then compare 1970 and today.  Could you
really say more was done in 2002 than in 1970?

 That would change things a bit. (Of course you have to subtract all the
 non-manned mission cost centers to get an accurate reading.)

You would, but the manned missions get the lions share of the money: no
bucks without Buck Rogers is a NASA motto.  They even hide a lot of the
shuttle money as microgravity experiments and biology experiments.


 As a percentage of GDP is also interesting. I wish I had those figures
handy
 too.

That has certainly gone down.  But, to first order, romantic feelings are
the results of the manned spaced program.  Look, its romantic to me too,
but I can also do the hard numbers at the same time.

Dan M.


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