-Caveat Lector-
From
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/04/21/opinion/21CART.html?pagewanted=print&positio
n=top
}}}>Begin
April 21, 2002
America Can Persuade Israel to Make a Just Peace
By JIMMY CARTER
ATLANTA — In January 1996, with full support from Israel and responding to the
invitation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the Carter Center helped to
monitor a democratic election in the West Bank and Gaza, which was well organized,
open and fair. In that election, 88 members were elected to the Palestinian National
Authority, with Yasir Arafat as president. Legally and practically, the Palestinian
people were encouraged to form their own government, with the expectation that
they would soon have full sovereignty as a state.
When the election was over, I made a strong effort to persuade the leaders of
Hamas to accept the election results, with Mr. Arafat as their leader. I relayed a
message offering them full participation in the process of developing a permanent
constitutional framework for the new political entity, but they refused to accept this
proposal. Despite this rejection, it was a time of peace and hope, and there was no
threat of violence or even peaceful demonstrations. The legal status of the
Palestinian people has not changed since then, but their plight has grown desperate.
Ariel Sharon is a strong and forceful man and has never equivocated in his public
declarations nor deviated from his ultimate purpose. His rejection of all peace
agreements that included Israeli withdrawal from Arab lands, his invasion of
Lebanon, his provocative visit to the Temple Mount, the destruction of villages and
homes, the arrests of thousands of Palestinians and his open defiance of President
George W. Bush's demand that he comply with international law have all been
orchestrated to accomplish his ultimate goals: to establish Israeli settlements as
widely as possible throughout occupied territories and to deny Palestinians a
cohesive political existence.
There is adequate blame on the other side. Even when he was free and enjoying the
full trappings of political power, Yasir Arafat never exerted control over Hamas and
other radical Palestinians who reject the concept of a peaceful Israeli existence and
adopt any means to accomplish their goal. Mr. Arafat's all-too-rare denunciations of
violence have been spasmodic, often expressed only in English and likely insincere.
He may well see the suicide attacks as one of the few ways to retaliate against his
tormentors, to dramatize the suffering of his people, or as a means for him,
vicariously, to be a martyr.
Tragically, the policies of Mr. Sharon have greatly strengthened these criminal
elements, enhanced their popular support, and encouraged misguided young men
and women to sacrifice their own lives in attacking innocent Israeli citizens. The
abhorrent suicide bombings are also counterproductive in that they discredit the
Palestinian cause, help perpetuate the military occupation and destruction of villages,
and obstruct efforts toward peace and justice.
The situation is not hopeless. There is an ultimate avenue to peace in the
implementation of United Nations resolutions, including Resolution 242, expressed
most recently in the highly publicized proposal of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince
Abdullah. The basic premises of these resolutions are withdrawal of Israelis from
Palestinian lands in exchange for full acceptance of Israel and Israel's right to live
in
peace. This is a reasonable solution for many Israelis, having been accepted in 1978
by Prime Minister Menachem Begin and ratified by the Israeli Knesset. Egypt,
offering the greatest threat to Israel, responded by establishing full diplomatic
relations and honoring Israeli rights, including unimpeded use of the Suez canal. This
set a pattern for what can and must be done by all other Arab nations. Through
constructive negotiations, both sides can consider some modifications of the 1967
boundary lines.
East Jerusalem can be jointly administered with unimpeded access to holy places,
and the right of return can be addressed by permitting a limited number of displaced
Palestinians to return to their homeland with fair compensation to others. It will be a
good investment for the international community to pay this cost.
With the ready and potentially unanimous backing of the international community, the
United States government can bring about such a solution to the existing imbroglio.
Demands on both sides should be so patently fair and balanced that at least a
majority of citizens in the affected area will respond with approval, and an
international force can monitor compliance with agreed peace terms, as was
approved for the Sinai region in 1979 following Israel's withdrawal from Egyptian
territory.
There are two existing factors that offer success to United States persuasion. One is
the legal requirement that American weapons are to be used by Israel only for
defensive purposes, a premise certainly being violated in the recent destruction of
Jenin and other villages. Richard Nixon imposed this requirement to stop Ariel
Sharon and Israel's military advance into Egypt in the 1973 war, and I used the same
demand to deter Israeli attacks on Lebanon in 1979. (A full invasion was launched by
Ariel Sharon after I left office). The other persuasive factor is approximately $10
million daily in American aid to Israel. President George Bush Sr. threatened this
assistance in 1992 to prevent the building of Israeli settlements between Jerusalem
and Bethlehem.
I understand the extreme political sensitivity in America of using persuasion on the
Israelis, but it is important to remember that none of the actions toward peace would
involve an encroachment on the sovereign territory of Israel. They all involve lands of
the Egyptians, Lebanese and Palestinians, as recognized by international law.
The existing situation is tragic and likely to get worse. Normal diplomatic efforts
have
failed. It is time for the United States, as the sole recognized intermediary, to
consider more forceful action for peace. The rest of the world will welcome this
leadership.
Jimmy Carter, the former president, is chairman of the Carter Center, which works
worldwide to advance peace and human health.
Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company | Privacy Information
End<{{{
>>>Whaddya bet that W can get an Arab coalition going to help him with his war on
terror by neutralising Israel? Of course Congress will object (while wringing their
collective hands over the prospect of losing megabux from THE lobby (see
http://www.wrmea.com/html/aipac.htm ). But why would they complain? They have
abdicated their Constitutional and legal obligations and rights for war-making to how
many Presidents in the past ten or so years? This is getting really religious now. In
them olden dayze, the indigenous groups were eventually kicked out of the Middle
East to become the Diaspora. They turned their faith away from and obeisances to
G*D and were therefore banished from the Holy (lately Holey) Lands. They done did
get a second chance after having made a great burnt offering ("holocaust"). But:
has this been once more been squandered by once again turning away from the
*father* (GHWB) and now attempting to one more do away with the *son*? The
original *son* warned against going to synagogues (Matt 6) and then upset the
money changers (Matt 21). When I was in Germany, i used to listen to the american
TV on Sunday mornings and they had a show on called the "Key of David". The
presenter fellow used to say that the new Israel is split between England and the
U.S. And does GHWB take the shroud and the crown of the English to pass on to
his *son*? A<>E<>R No, I haven't gone that long without sleep. <<<
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