>>> Please note that the "S-S-Banner" was written in 1814, during the assault
on Ft McHenry (War of 1812).  A<>E<>R <<<

>From http://looksmart.infoplease.com/ipa/A0194015.html

}}>Begin
On Sept. 13, 1814, Francis Scott Key visited the British fleet in Chesapeake
Bay to secure the release of Dr. William Beanes, who had been captured after
the burning of Washington, D.C. The release was secured, but Key was detained
on ship overnight during the shelling of Fort McHenry, one of the forts
defending Baltimore. In the morning, he was so delighted to see the American
flag still flying over the fort that he began a poem to commemorate the
occasion. First published under the title “Defense of Fort M'Henry,” and later
as “The Star-Spangled Banner,” the poem soon attained wide popularity as sung
to the tune “To Anacreon in Heaven.” The origin of this tune is obscure, but it
may have been written by John Stafford Smith, a British composer born in 1750.
“The Star-Spangled Banner” was officially made the National Anthem by Congress
in 1931, although it already had been adopted as such by the Army and the Navy.

End<{{

>From www.townhall.com/columnists/wfbuckley/printwfb000717.shtml

}}>Begin
townhall.com
William F. Buckley, Jr. (back to story)
July 17, 2000
Is 'The Patriot' patriotic

The furor over "The Patriot," the "patriotic" movie that enshrines honor,
family, liberty, gore and banality, raises yet again the question: What do we
know about our birthright, as sons and daughters of the Revolutionary War?
One school of thought, in a comfortable sedentary way, says: Why all the fuss?
Everybody knows "The Star-Spangled Banner" version of American history.
These assumptions are not safe, not even professionally. A consequence of
holding to that position was drastically suffered by a young columnist in
Boston. Conservative Jeff Jacoby, writing his biweekly column for The Boston
Globe, filed a piece in which he recounted the future lives of the 56 signers
of the Declaration of Independence: X number imprisoned, Y number killed in
action, Z number dispossessed.

Most of us first heard about the ill-fated Founders at age 6, and again every
year or two since then. But lo! Mr. Jacoby neglected to introduce his column on
the Founders' fate by acknowledging that it was old stuff -- and he got
suspended! On hearing this, one had the feeling it would be deceptive to relay
in a column the arguments of "Areopagitica" without first confessing that John
Milton had first come up with them.

So then: We have a movie. It is written by Robert Rodat, who gave us "Saving
Private Ryan," and it is directed by Roland Emmerich, who gave us "Independence
Day" and "Godzilla." The hero is Mel Gibson, the villain is Jason Isaacs. The
plot is the South Carolina chapter of the Revolutionary War. The contested
parts of the movie have to do with British conduct during the war, and with
slavery.

Question: Is it believable, let alone true, that British officers would
incinerate an entire congregation of men, women and children trapped in a
church during Sunday services? Was the British attitude toward life
indistinguishable from that of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union?

David Horowitz, the distinguished author and bellicose critic of wanton anti-
Americanism, weighed in heavily on the whole question in his important and
lively FrontPagemag.com Web site. He begins by reminding us that the extent of
historical ignorance in America is, well, unbelievable. A recent survey of 55
leading colleges and universities revealed that 80 percent of seniors are
virtually illiterate in the subject. They could not, for instance, identify
Patrick Henry. (If Mr. Jacoby, when he resumes his column, reveals that Patrick
Henry was the man who said "Give me liberty or give me death!" he should
remember to cite his sources.)

Mr. Horowitz defends persuasively the conviction that the Revolutionary War
brought on a crystallization of the ideals of the Founders. By no means
complete -- the abolition of slavery, the enfranchisement of women were years
ahead -- but to ignore the war's idealistic contribution to the idea of freedom
and equality is greatly to disserve it, as also the sacrifices endured.
Granted that most men of the soil will fight to resist oppressors, whether
Americans, Nazis or communists, wars can nevertheless be distinguished from the
mere genus-war when a strategic goal in sight is such as the goals of freedom
and liberty enunciated in the Declaration of Independence.

In 1774 an old statute imposed on a slaveowner who killed his own slave the
trivial sentence of one year in jail. Mr. Horowitz reminds us that "Eight years
later, when the revolution had been won, the North Carolina legislature changed
the law, saying the old law was 'disgraceful to humanity and degrading in the
highest degree to the laws and principles of a free, Christian and enlightened
country' because it drew a 'distinction of criminality between the murder of a
white person and of one who is equally an human creature, but merely of a
different complexion.' The new revolutionary law made the willful killing of a
slave murder and punishable by death."

That much being said, the movie itself, as distinguished from the movie's
cause, is long and soupy, the lines uttered formulaic and unconvincing. One
needs to forget that the same author wrote "Private Ryan"; the only alternative
is to think that he was tortured, along with everybody else, to produce awful
lines. But there are 160 minutes of the movie, and they include an absolutely
splendid villain (a British colonel), and battle scenes that vividly remind us
what war was like, back when Patrick Henry was pleading for liberty and
offering his life in exchange.

William F. Buckley, Jr. is editor of National Review, a TownHall.com member
group.

©2000 Universal Press Syndicate
townhall.com


End<{{
A<>E<>R

Integrity has no need of rules. -Albert Camus (1913-1960)
+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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