>From http://www.transnational.org/forum/power/2000/04kosovo.html

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Kosovo: the First to Get it Right

By JONATHAN POWER
April 5, 2000

LONDON- What an anniversary that was! The first birthday marking Nato's bombing
of Yugoslavia brought forth a torrent of articles both pro and against. Yet not
one came close to matching for lucidity and perceptiveness, delivered in an
icily ironic style, the essay penned at the time of the war by the former
Swedish prime minister, Carl Bildt, in the cerebral British monthly, Prospect.
Bildt, who is presently the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy for the
Balkans, is a man of political leanings, if elections are anything to go by,
too far to the right for most of his countrymen. His instinct is to support
Nato, to be close to America, to wind back the welfare state and to argue the
case for the use of force and intervention. But something happened to him on
the road to Belgrade.

"The Baby Bombers", as the editor headlined the piece, was a wake-up call for
the baby-boomers, now in the higher reaches of western political power, "who
have never learnt about war and power the hard way" and who, with their "smart
wars- high rhetoric, high altitude and high technology; smart bombs for smart
politicians", believe there is a "third way in war". Bildt wrote of meeting
Gerd Schmueckle, a retired German general who was wounded six times on the
Russian front during the Second World war, but then served in the highest
positions inside Nato. Perhaps, said the general, it is a question of
generations. While the war veterans are losing their hair and teeth, the new
generation suddenly has a different attitude towards war.

"For Schmueckle, war was associated with horror beyond imagination, leaving
deep psychological scars on individuals and nations. Bombs, he said, do not
create peace; instead they breed hatred for years, perhaps for generations."

A year on we can see the truth of this in Yugoslavia. The bombing did not
forestall ethnic cleansing, it appeared to precipitate it. And it has
bequeathed a cauldron of mutual hatred and a political potage that no amount of
Nato and UN policing and Western economic aid can clear up, even if it were
forthcoming in something like the quantities promised- another example of the
war time rhetoric that misled the public. Reading the public statements of
Bernard Kouchner, the UN man responsible for the reconstruction of Kosovo and
General Klaus Reinhardt, the local Nato commander, is to sense that they are
often close to despair.

Aficionados of Carl Bildt now have the chance to pursue his thinking, one year
after the bombing, in the new issue of Survival, the quarterly journal of the
International Institute for Strategic Studies. This is a much more lengthy
discourse on the limits of force, and looks not just at Kosovo but at Bosnia
before. It's essense is to challenge what has now achieved the status of
conventional wisdom- the idea of the supremacy of air-power.

Bildt argues that the Dayton agreement that brought an end to the fighting in
Bosnia was "far more a victory for diplomacy than a victory for force". He
certainly doesn't exclude that the Nato air operation, initiated on September
30th, 1995, "had a significant psychological impact during its first few days",
but the political momentum that led to the accord came about primarily because
of a new diplomatic approach. "The essential diplomatic innovation was the
willingness of the U.S. to accept some of the core demands of the Bosnian
Serbs; demands that the U.S. previously had refused even to contemplate. In
particular the Bosnian Serbs had consistently demanded a separate Republika
Srpska inside a weak Bosnian framework".

After Dayton there was an unforgivable lull in Western diplomatic activity.
Neither the European Union nor the U.S. were willing to launch any serious
diplomatic initiatives to head off the brewing crisis in Kosovo. Albanian
opinion inside Kosovo, once more fluid and open to diplomatic options, was
allowed to harden, leading to the birth of an armed insurrection and driving
the population into the embrace of the Kosovo Liberation Army.

The West, misreading the lesson of Bosnia, tried to head off Serbian repression
with the threat of air power. Thus when diplomacy failed- and the Rambouillet
agreement demanded much more from Slobodan Milosevic than the "peace agreement"
which ended the war- the West had little choice but to make good on its
threats.

The air operation, however, could not prevent a major humanitarian disaster.
Whether it triggered it, Bildt more cautious than I, just says "will remain a
subject of debate". But he adds scathingly, "despite all the talk about a
revolution in military affairs, Kosovo brutally demonstrated that the axe
remains the superior short-range-precision-guided weapon when it comes to one
man killing another; there is very little that increasingly long-range and high
tech weaponry can do about it."

A year on we have to live with the now seemingly insoluble Kosovo problem
handed over to the UN, to the world. Poor old rest of the world. (That was its
reward for kicking up a fuss about the UN Charter being abused by the West's
unilateral decision to bomb.) The UN is supposed to find the peace that Western
bombs could not deliver, even though, in Bildt's view, "there is no agreed
framework for either the internal or external order of Kosovo."

What the West needs if it is to progress, never mind Kosovo, and grow out of
its baby-bomber lifestyle, is a little less Bill Clinton and Tony Blair and
rather more Carl Bildt. His two essays should be their compulsory reading
before, once again in some new imbroglio, they are tempted by the quick but
elusive fix of air power.

I can be reached by phone +44 385 351172 and e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Copyright © 2000 By JONATHAN POWER

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