-Caveat Lector-
RadTimes # 65 - October, 2000
An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.
"We're living in rad times!"
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Contents:
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--In the Aftermath of Seattle: Backlash Reigns
--Philadelphia Protesters Trusted Wrong Volunteer
--Withering Democracy
--Protest Against the Trans Atlantic Business Dialogue
--Security Detail
Linked stories:
*The Right To Radio
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Begin stories:
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In the Aftermath of Seattle: Backlash Reigns
<http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/progresp/vol4/prog4n37.html>
By Tom Barry
Although the violence in Seattle was widely condemned by citizen
leaders, much of the rhetoric used by these same leaders fosters a
violent backlash. Clearly, the militancy of the demonstrations has
successfully focused media--and to some degree public--attention on the
institutions of global economic governance. There is also growing
recognition by global leaders that the negative impacts of globalization
need to be addressed. Seeing this success, antiglobalization groups have
adopted "shut it down" strategies at international meetings of
globalization forums and institutions. The hope was that successive
Seattle-modeled protests would delegitimize the institutions of global
governance and draw in greater numbers of disaffected citizen groups,
coalescing them into a truly international movement that can turn around
globalization.
The analysts associated with this movement often lend intellectual
support to the anarchist backlash on the streets. In his recent book,
American University professor Robin Hahnel, a frequent contributor to Z
magazine, writes: "We must act like Lilliputian Luddites first and stop
corporate-sponsored globalization by any means necessary." For many in
the antiglobalization movement, this campaign against globalization is
the defining struggle of our era--a life and death struggle that
requires all means necessary to stop corporate forces.
One possibility is that such a backlash movement could indeed be
successful at undermining the credibility and legitimacy of current
institutions. In the process of stressing the importance of national
sovereignty and local development, such a movement may also help build a
global consensus against all forms of global governance--a frightening
scenario. Another possibility is that the media and public will grow
weary of street demonstrations of disaffected youth, the message of the
reformers will be lost in the cacophony of street battles, and the
concerns and positive agendas of the antiglobalization coalition will be
dismissed.
In the aftermath of DC, Melbourne, and Prague, it is time to ask what
the agenda of this movement is with respect to multilateral global
governance. The movement makes reference to the power of the U.S.
Treasury and the Washington-to-Wall Street axis of power in
corporate-led globalization. But the protests have focused not on
America's central role, but on the institutions of multilateral
governance that include most of the world's governments. In the U.S.,
this anti-global governance strategy has great resonance with those
among the left and the right who appeal to the sanctity of national
sovereignty.
One of the most striking inconsistencies among progressives is their
ambivalent embrace of multilateralism. In the political/security arena,
multilateralism is supported as the only viable method for advancing
international peace and security. Multilateralism in the form of the UN
is strongly supported, and unilateralism by the U.S. is consistently
condemned. The citizen movements focusing on global economic issues make
no such principled declaration in support of multilateral governance,
however. The political leaders of other nations, like those of the U.S.,
are regarded to be the servants of corporate and elite rule. When making
the critique that the current governance institutions are incapable of
reform, many global economy activists do not at the same time assert
that some form of multilateral economic governance is fundamentally
important.
The succession this year of attempts to shut down the multilateral
institutions should raise serious questions about just where the global
economy movement is going.
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Philadelphia Protesters Trusted Wrong Volunteer
He drove them right into custody
October 1, 2000, Philadelphia Inquirer
by Craig R. McCoy and Linda K. Harris
With police helicopters swooping overhead, the protesters dashed
in twos and threes to the waiting van.
The 1995 Ford Econoline sped off, bound for Center City. Nervous
and full of energy, the demonstrators were ready to leap from the
van and block traffic during the Republican National Convention
for as long as seven hours.
Their mission was carefully planned and rehearsed, but there was
one thing the protesters hadn't bargained on.
Behind the wheel of the van was Harry, a burly man with a trim
goatee. Though his passengers didn't realize it, Harry was an
undercover state trooper.
He drove the 18 activists right into police custody. Their
operation didn't last seven hours. Seven minutes, maybe.
The police duping of that vanload of demonstrators on Tuesday,
Aug. 1, the most tumultuous day of street protest during the
convention, was a pivotal episode in a weeklong battle of wills.
Protesters were bent on paralyzing Center City intersections on a
day when Philadelphia was in the national spotlight. Police were
just as determined to keep that from happening.
The protesters' planning was extensive but not without flaw.
Before getting into the van, the group even donned diapers - so a
trip to the bathroom need not force anyone to give up a position
during the blockade. However, the usual adult diapers weren't
available that day, so the protesters put on ill-fitting baby
diapers.
And the protesters hadn't counted on the state police penetrating
their ranks.
This account is based on interviews with demonstrators arrested
in the van - including the Texas couple who unwittingly gave the
keys to their van to the undercover agent - and with officials,
including one familiar with the undercover operation.
The protesters' target was 12th and Arch Streets, outside the
Convention Center, where many Republican delegates were touring a
replica of the Oval Office and Air Force One at the popular
PoliticalFest exhibit.
That Tuesday morning, the protesters gathered initially in the
courtyard of the so-called puppet warehouse at 41st Street and
Haverford Avenue, the massive stone building where 75 activists
were arrested that afternoon.
There, the protesters made several dry runs of the blockade. They
clustered in the courtyard as though in a van and then pantomimed
leaping forward, as though jumping onto a street.
It was "a pretty pathetic rehearsal," one participant said later.
Since the convention, the warehouse and its purpose have lingered
in controversy. Although many protesters have insisted that the
warehouse was used only to create satirical puppets, a massive
float and banners, those in the van acknowledged that it was the
initial staging area for their operation.
In the warehouse, participants sorted out their roles, with some
agreeing to ride in the van to face eventual arrest for the
illegal street blockade, and others choosing "low-risk"
supporting roles.
Harry elected a supporting role.
Scott Haws, 33, and his wife, Anne Harkness, 42, of Dallas,
agreed that Harry could drive their van as they planned to take
part in the street lockdown.
"He volunteered to do it," Haws added.
Harry had won the trust of the protesters by working hard to help
build a massive satirical political float dubbed "Corpzilla."
That Tuesday, after an hour of rehearsals at the warehouse,
members of the group scattered at noon, agreeing to rendezvous at
2 p.m. at the Comet coffee shop and espresso bar, about five
blocks from the closely watched warehouse.
As they gathered there, the demonstrators learned that the
warehouse was under siege, surrounded by police who eventually
arrested everyone inside.
In affidavits justifying search warrants for the warehouse and
the Ford van, state police later revealed that several troopers,
working undercover, had infiltrated the warehouse.
State police officials have declined to elaborate on the
clandestine operation, but a government official familiar with
the undercover work has confirmed what the protesters ruefully
came to suspect: that Harry, the man behind the wheel of the
Econoline, was a state trooper.
Protesters say Harry was among four men who had arrived at the
warehouse from Wilkes-Barre five days earlier. A protester named
James McGuinness, 44, who has lived in Washington for the last 14
months, let them enter the warehouse.
"They came in the daytime," said McGuinness, who was in charge of
security at the warehouse. "They said they were stagehands and
they were carpenters. They said they were there to support the
unions. Since Seattle, there's been a lot of union participation.
A lot of people in unions don't look like activists."
The four men drew suspicion in some quarters. With their short
hair, well-kept goatees, ignorance of politics, and taste for
Yuengling beer - an exception to the no-alcohol rule was made for
them - they seemed a little "off."
Still, they quickly proved hard and capable workers, practically
building "Corpzilla" by themselves.
Adam Eidinger, 27, of Washington, and his girlfriend, Alexis
Baden-Mayer, 26, of Alexandria, Va., became friendly with the
carpenters. Eidinger had a special interest in the float: he had
rented the flatbed truck on which "Corpzilla" was built. The
money came from movie director Robert Greenwald, who had just
released the Abbie Hoffman biopic Steal This Movie!.
As Aug. 1 approached, according to Eidinger, the four carpenters
urgently pushed to have some role in the coming street protests.
" 'We want to do some direct action,' " Eidinger recalled one
saying.
" 'And we want to do it with you.' "
On Tuesday afternoon, Harry showed up with the other three union
carpenters at the Comet coffee shop. His three companions were
sent away.
When the protesters dashed out in groups to the van, Harry
climbed behind the wheel.
"Here's the keys," Haws told him. "You're now the captain."
With Harry driving, the van took off. Some of the passengers
began to assemble "lock boxes" - contraptions rigged with pipes,
wire, chain and mountaineering clamps - which the demonstrators
planned to wear to link themselves together, starfish-like, to
slow the police job of prying them off the street.
"There was a lot of excitement and energy in the van," Haws said.
One protester cautioned: "Everybody take a deep breath."
The excitement soon turned to high anxiety.
Almost immediately, the activists noticed what they took to be an
unmarked police car behind them.
"Within the first 60 seconds, someone yelled out, 'We're being
followed,' " said Eidinger, a self-employed publicist. "The jig
was up pretty quickly."
"Within minutes, there were cops. It was very obviously planned
from the beginning," said protester Soliman Lawrence, 20, of
Tallahassee, Fla.
Soon, a train of police cruisers was visible behind the van, and
what the demonstrators believed were unmarked police cars pulled
in front of and beside it.
As a police escort took shape, the van rolled west on the
Schuylkill Expressway, heading toward the Vine Street Expressway
interchange and Center City. Inside, more aggressive protesters
suggested that they should leap out right there and block the
expressway.
Haws recalled the hurried debate. Other people suggested driving
straight into New Jersey.
"What are we going to do? Do we want to just drive away, abort
the plan? There was talk of committing the action where we were,"
he recalled.
Said Eidinger: "We were trying to keep everyone calm in the van.
Being followed by the police was something we never anticipated."
Demonstrator George Ripley, 52, who had been riding in the
passenger seat next to Harry, quickly realized that the protest
in Center City wasn't going to happen.
"We should have driven out of town," said Ripley, who recently
moved to Washington from Homer, Alaska.
Harry finally stopped at Vine and Eighth Streets.
"He rolled the window down and asked why we were being pulled
over," Haws said. "They said it was because the tags were
expired, which was untrue. They asked him to step out of the car.
They took him away."
There, by the highway, the test of wills continued. Police
ordered everyone else out of the van. About half refused.
On a day when even the asphalt sweated, police then reached into
the van and hauled limp demonstrators out one by one to face
misdemeanor charges. Handcuffed, the protesters were carried into
a waiting police bus.
Sitting there, the protest thwarted, the 18 activists looked
around and came to a startling realization: Harry wasn't among
them.
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Withering Democracy
By Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman
For all but the ideologically committed or deluded few who believe
corporations and their executives make contributions out of a sense of
civic obligation, there can be little doubt that the U.S. campaign finance
system is fundamentally corrupt, and corrupting.
But it would be a mistake to make this observation and reach the obvious
conclusion that the current system of private contributions must be
replaced by a system of public financing, and then fail to dig further.
Because the available campaign finance data provides a host of insights
into the pattern of corporate investment in politics and politicians in
the United States.
Superb new data collections from the invaluable Center for Responsive
Politics (CRP, data at <www.opensecrets.org>) detail the nature of major
industrial sector contribution patterns over the last decade, compiling
contributions from individuals affiliated with industries, political
action committee (PAC) contributions and soft money donations (made to the
political parties). Here is some of what their data shows:
1. Every single major industrial sector except for communications/
electronics now favors the Republican Party. The CRP industry groupings
are: agribusiness; communications/electronics; construction; defense;
energy/natural resources; finance/insurance/real estate; health;
transportation; and a catch-all miscellaneous business category, including
liquor, casinos, chemicals, food, advertising, steel production and
textiles.
The communications/electronics contributions lean slightly toward the
Democrats, powered by contributions from Hollywood. The TV/movie/music
sector, constituting about a third of overall donations from the
communications/electronics sector, gives more than 60 percent of its
contributions to Democrats.
2. Despite the overall tilt to the Republicans, every major industrial
sector contributes large sums to the Democrats as well. Agribusiness and
energy/natural resources, two of the most pro-Republican industries, gave
the Democrats $69 million and $64 million, respectively, in the election
cycles from 1990 to 2000.
3. The only reliably Democratic supporters are lawyers/lobbyists
(reflecting trial lawyer contributions) and labor. Lawyers/lobbyists
directed nearly 70 percent of their contributions to the Democrats. Labor
sent more than 90 percent of its monies to the Dems.
4. The major shift to the Republicans followed the 1994 elections, in
which the Republicans took control of both houses of Congress. Corporate
contributions generally flow to the majority party, both because it has
more incumbents and the companies seek to win influence with those in
office, and because the majority party controls the legislative agenda.
5. Of the major industrial sectors, agribusiness, construction,
energy/natural resources and transportation, plus the miscellaneous
business category, appear firmly entrenched in the Republican camp. They
favored the Republicans even when they were the minority in Congress, and
now favor them by large margins. The health industries and
finance/insurance/real estate both give about 60 percent of their
contributions to the Republicans, while defense gives an even higher share
to the GOP, but each of these sectors split their contributions relatively
evenly when the Democrats controlled Congress. Communications/electronics
companies now divide their contributions evenly, and favored the Democrats
in the elections through 1994.
6. The broad sector totals may in some cases obscure differences within
industry groupings. For example, in the energy sector, while oil and gas
have always been staunchly Republican, now giving more than three-fourths
of their contributions to the Party of Lincoln, electric utilities have
tilted more Democratic. Although about two-thirds of utility money now
goes to the Republicans, utilities favored the Democrats when they
controlled Congress. In the finance sector, real estate firms and
securities/investment banks have shaded more Democratic than insurance
companies and commercial banks. The former now give about 43 percent of
their monies to the Democrats, while insurance companies and commercial
banks give only one-third to the minority party. In general, however,
industrial sectors appear to act in concert.
7. Specific sector contributions spike at certain periods, correlating
with Congressional consideration of major legislation of interest to
particular industries. Agribusiness contributions rise prior to adoption
of the periodic Farm Bill. Communications/electronic contributions nearly
doubled from 1994 to 1996, prior to adoption of the 1996
Telecommunications Act. Contributions from the finance sector skyrocketed
as the financial deregulation bill was wending its way through Congress.
8. Over the past decade, the overarching trend in corporate campaign
contributions has been rapidly upward. Corporate contributions in the 2000
elections are already about 50 percent higher than in the 1992
presidential election year -- and there's still plenty of time to go this
year.
9. Labor is no counterbalance for the Democrats. Although unions direct
more than 90 percent of their contributions to the Democrats, corporate
contributors outspend them by more than 11 times.
10. George W. Bush is massively outdistancing Al Gore in corporate
contributions. Bush leads in every corporate sector. In the most
competitive sector, communications/electronics, Bush's contributions are
25 percent higher than Gore's. In the agribusiness, energy/natural
resources and transportation sectors, Bush is pulling in nearly 10 times
more money than Gore.
This is no way to run a democracy. When both parties' financial lifeline
are connected to corporate interests, the democratic credentials of the
political system are called into question. The system formally remains one
of one person, one vote, but is it the people or the corporations who
rule?
----
Russell Mokhiber is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based Corporate Crime
Reporter. Robert Weissman is editor of the Washington, D.C.-based
Multinational Monitor. They are co-authors of Corporate Predators: The
Hunt for MegaProfits and the Attack on Democracy (Monroe, Maine: Common
Courage Press, 1999).
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Protest Against the Trans Atlantic Business Dialogue
<http://www.n16.org/>
DIRECT ACTION PROTEST AGAINST THE T.A.B.D.
NOVEMBER 16 - 18 DOWNTOWN CINCINNATI OHIO
OMNI NETHERLANDS HOTEL - 5th and Race St.
November 16-18, the Trans Atlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) will be having
their annual CEO conference in Downtown Cincinnati, Ohio at the Omni
Netherlands Hotel. European Union Parliament, U.S. congress, and more than
200 American and European CEOs and business leaders will meet to talk about
issues that impact transatlantic trade and develop recommendations on how
to best boost global trade and investment.
The T.A.B.D. makes recommendations that will set the tone for World Trade
Organization policy. Over 50% of T.A.B.D. recommendations have been adopted
for the WTO. One such corporation in attendance at the conference, BASF,
who's plant in Cincinnati blew up in the early 1990's killing two workers,
injuring many more and also caused millions of dollars in damage will help
with these negotiations!
The TABD claims to "offer an effective framework for enhanced Cooperation
between the transatlantic business community and the governments Of the EU
and US. An informal process whereby European and American companies and
business associations develop joint EU-US trade policy recommendations,
working together with the European Commission and U.S. administration."
It's plain to see that the Trans-Atlantic Business Dialogue means more
money and control in the pockets of top CEO and government officials so
just like the WTO in Seattle and the IMF/World Bank in Washington DC
demonstrations it is time to voice our opposition. Join together and
publicize the disastrous effects of global capitalism to people both
outside and inside the United States. We need to converse to world economic
and business leaders that we will not calmly tolerate labor and
agricultural annihilation before our eyes. What is left before us, our only
hope for a just and equal society, YOU!
Start talking to within communities about organizing affinity groups to
come and converge in Cincinnati Ohio November 15, 16, 17, 18 to make aware
the growing nature of these undemocratic institutions. Join in workshops
and educational demonstrations of real democracy where we organize from the
bottom up. Our convergence upon Cincinnati will be a symbol that we want to
totally eradicate and abolish the injustice of global economic control by a
few. No longer shall human life, animals and the environment be substituted
for personal gain!
Come be apart of mass demonstrations, direct action and civil disobedience
to show the TABD that we will not tolerate their current policies of global
takeover by institutions that cater profit before people. Without a peoples
response to this matter we waive our right to practice the democratic
process and put it into the T.A.B.D's hands.
--To subscribe to the Cincinnati Direct Action email list --
For current and up to date info please email:
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
If you would like to get involved please contact :
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
For more on the Trans Atlantic Business Dialogue see <www.tabd.org>.
Website for direct action protest with updates, housing, and current
information on
N16 protests and teach-ins at <www.n16.org>.
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Security Detail
By Patrick Beach <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
American-Statesman Staff
Thursday, October 5, 2000
As many as 150 of the country's richest moguls are coming to Austin for the big
Fortune 500 summit this month. With murmurs of protests in addition to the
usual security concerns that go with such an event, you're likely to see more
edgy-looking guys in suits than when George W. Bush comes to town to pick up
his mail.
Those would be the bodyguards, the Kevlar-vested, concealed-weapon-carrying,
surveillance-mike-talking-into paid protectors of the very rich and very
targetable. Here then, a bodyguard FAQ:
What's a bodyguard?
In Texas, it's a private security officer who, in addition to being licensed to
carry a concealed weapon, has had additional training to become a Personal
Protection Officer, or PPO.
Have any of the Fortune 500 CEOs, in fact, contracted with Austin security
firms to watch their backs while they're here?
We'd tell you, but then we'd have to kill you.
No, really.
Many top CEOs contract their own security details that travel with them.
However, it's conceivable that if Michael Dell's guy eats some bad tuna fish,
Dell could hire an Austin firm for the day.
Are you saying Michael Dell has bodyguards? Cool.
"I probably shouldn't mention specific company names, but there are large
computer companies in Austin that have their own officers, and I have trained
some of those," says Sam Langford, owner of Austin Security Concepts Inc.
Does bodyguard training include learning the lyrics to "I Will Always Love
You"?
I have a gun. Are you sure you want to be asking that?
What about "Have Gun, Will Travel"?
Um . . . yes. Although that was technically called "The Ballad of Paladin."
"A soldier of fortune is a man called Paladin," right?
"Paladin, Paladin, where do you roam?" Right.
OK, I need a bodyguard. How much will it run me?
In Austin, generally anywhere from $45 to $75 an hour for each PPO. Not cheap,
but if somebody is legitimately worried about safety and security, the value is
incalculable.
And what happens after I hire you to protect me?
Jeff White of Austin's Statewide Patrol says it goes like this: There's a
background interview to determine why the subject feels she or he needs
protection. Then the firm determines whether the principal needs one guard, or
four, or 10.
"You put one guy or two guys on somebody who needs 10, not only is your client
compromised but so are your guys," says Kevin Moore of Emerald P.I.
<www.emeraldpi.com>.
Itineraries and travel routes are reviewed and, in some instances, locations
are reconnoitered in advance.
Says White: "I've ridden in limos and I've ridden in bulletproof Suburbans."
Langford: "They would provide executive security, plan the visit, coordinate
with local law enforcement, coordinate their security efforts along with the
itinerary of the client. It varies with the person. There are PPOs that will
travel with the person. Traveling outside the state of Texas is a little
trickier because gun laws vary from state to state."
Every situation is different.
"Whoever the individual is, each person has a unique threat assessment," says
Moore. "The CEO of Coca-Cola is going to have a different assessment than the
president of Colombia or Michael Dell. You want to have as much information
about the person and where they're heading. No one likes surprises. If there is
a surprise, they'd like to have the ability to respond and have a backup."
Let's say I want to be a bodyguard. What kind of cool gear would I have?
White has a wireless surveillance microphone ($200), a Glock ($475),
concealment holsters ($250) and, of course, the hopefully named bulletproof
vest ($400).
"I wouldn't guard a taco stand in this town without my vest on," White says.
And what's involved in the training?
We'd tell you, but—
You used that joke already.
Right. Well, there's the diamond formation, a fairly self-explanatory method
for surrounding the client with four PPOs. There's proper takedown of suspects,
use of the force continuum (from verbal warning to deadly force), specialized
shooting and the like. Officers also learn to be wary of potential diversions—a
scuffle on the other side of the room might, in fact, be aimed at distracting
the PPOs.
"You always have to be aware," White says. "Not obsessed or paranoid, but
aware."
Prospective CEO-guarding PPOs also are required to take a personality inventory
test and undergo a psychological evaluation to make sure they don't have, you
know, significant mommy issues or something.
What glamorous bodyguarding assignments has White had?
Well, he kept an eye on some really expensive photographs at a private gallery
opening. He's wearing a suit, walking around, looking at the photographs,
saying, "I find this piece very interesting."
"I'm not an art critic, I'm just a bodyguard. I had no idea what I was talking
about," he says.
What if somebody starts shooting?
Not likely at an art gallery, but, according to "The Worst-Case Scenario
Survival Handbook," the thing to do is get as far away from the shooter as
rapidly as possible. The book also recommends running in a zigzag pattern to
make yourself more difficult to tag.
And gunfights go on for hours and hours, right, like in a John Woo movie?
Get real. Most gunbattles, says White, are over in three seconds. And they're
never in slow motion.
How many PPOs are there in Texas?
According to the Texas Commission on Private Security, 396.
And people are attracted to this line of work because of . . .
"The intrigue," White says. James Bond and all that. At the same time, "It's
not so cool. It's very serious. You can't get caught up in the glitz of riding
in the limo. You follow your guy to the bathroom."
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Linked stories:
********************
The Right To Radio
<http://www.mediachannel.org/originals/nab.shtml>
A grassroots movement is challenging corporate control of the airwaves.
Aliza Dichter reports on the politics inside and outside the broadcasters'
convention.
********************
======================================================
"Anarchy doesn't mean out of control. It means out of 'their' control."
-Jim Dodge
======================================================
"Communications without intelligence is noise;
intelligence without communications is irrelevant."
-Gen. Alfred. M. Gray, USMC
======================================================
"It is not a sign of good health to be well adjusted to a sick society."
-J. Krishnamurti
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