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Stateless Socialism: Anarchism
by Mikhail Bakunin 1814-1876

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>From "The Political Philosophy of Bakunin"
by G.P. Maximoff
1953, The Free Press, NY


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Effect of the Great Principles Proclaimed by the
French Revolution. From the time when the Revolution
brought down to the masses its Gospel - not the mystic
but the rational, not the heavenly but the earthly,
not the divine but the human Gospel, the Gospel of the
Rights of Man - ever since it proclaimed that all men
are equal, that all men are entitled to liberty and
equality, the masses of all European countries, of all
the civilized world, awakening gradually from the
sleep which had kept them in bondage ever since
Christianity drugged them with its opium, began to ask
themselves whether they too, had the right to
equality, freedom, and humanity.

As soon as this question was posed, the people, guided
by their admirable sound sense as well as by their
instincts, realized that the first condition of their
real emancipation, or of their humanization, was above
all a radical change in their economic situation. The
question of daily bread is to them justly the first
question, for as it was noted by Aristotle, man, in
order to think, in order to feel himself free, in
order to become man, must be freed from the material
cares of daily life. For that matter, the bourgeois,
who are so vociferous in their outcries against the
materialism of the people and who preach to the latter
the abstinences of idealism, know it very well, for
they themselves preach it only by word and not by
example.

The second question arising before the people - that
of leisure after work - is the indispensable condition
of humanity. But bread and leisure can never be
obtained apart from a radical transformation of
existing society, and that explains why the
Revolution, impelled by the implications of its own
principles, gave birth to Socialism.

Socialism Is Justice...Socialism is justice. When we
speak of justice, we understand thereby not the
justice contained in the Codes and in Roman
jurisprudence - which were based to a great extent
upon facts of violence achieved by force, violence
consecrated by time and by the benedictions of some
church or other (Christian or pagan), and as such
accepted as absolute principles, from which all law is
to be deduced by a process of logical reasoning - no,
we speak of that justice which is based solely upon
human conscience, the justice to be found in the
consciousness of every man - even in that of children
- and which can be expressed in a single word: equity.

This universal justice which, owing to conquests by
force and religious influences, has never yet
prevailed in the political or juridical or economic
worlds, should become the basis of the new world.
Without it there can be neither liberty, nor republic,
nor prosperity, nor peace. It then must govern our
resolutions in order that we work effectively toward
the establishment of peace. And this justice urges us
to take upon ourselves the defense of the interests of
the terribly maltreated people and demand their
economic and social emancipation along with political
freedom.

The Basic Principle of Socialism. We do not propose
here, gentlemen, this or any other socialist system.
What we demand now is the proclaiming anew of the
great principle of the French Revolution: that every
human being should have the material and moral means
to develop all his humanity, a principle which, in our
opinion, is to be translated into the following
problem:

To organize society in such a manner that every
individual, man or woman, should find, upon entering
life, approximately equal means for the development of
his or her diverse faculties and their utilization in
his or her work. And to organize such a society that,
rendering impossible the exploitation of anyone's
labor, will enable every individual to enjoy the
social wealth, which in reality is produced only by
collective labor, but to enjoy it only in so far as he
contributes directly toward the creation of that
wealth.

State Socialism Rejected. The carrying out of this
task will of course take centuries of development. But
history has already brought it forth and henceforth we
cannot ignore it without condemning ourselves to utter
impotence. We hasten to add here that we vigorously
reject any attempt at social organization which would
not admit the fullest liberty of individuals and
organizations, or which would require the setting up
of any regimenting power whatever. In the name of
freedom, which we recognize as the only foundation and
the only creative principle of organization, economic
or political, we shall protest against anything
remotely resembling State Communism, or State
Socialism.

Abolition of the Inheritance Law. The only thing
which, in opinion, the State can and should do, is
first to modify little by little inheritance law so as
to arrive as soon as possible at its complete
abolition. That law being purely a creation of the
State, and one of the conditions of the very existence
of the authoritarian and divine State can and should
be abolished by freedom in the State. In other words,
State should dissolve itself into a society freely
organized in accord with the principles of justice.
Inheritance right, in our opinion, should abolished,
for so long as it exists there will be hereditary
economic inequality, not the natural inequality of
individuals, but the artificial man inequality of
classes - and the latter will always beget hereditary
equality in the development and shaping of minds,
continuing to be source and consecration of all
political and social inequalities. The task of justice
is to establish equality for everyone, inasmuch that
equality will depend upon the economic and political
organization society - an equality with which everyone
is going to begin his life, that everyone, guided by
his own nature, will be the product of his own
efforts. In our opinion, the property of the deceased
should accrue to social fund for the instruction and
education of children of both sexes including their
maintenance from birth until they come of age. As
Slavs and as Russians, we shall add that with us the
fundamental social idea, bas upon the general and
traditional instinct of our populations, is that las
the property of all the people, should be owned only
by those who cultivate it with their own hands.

We are convinced gentlemen, that this principle is
just, that it is essential and inevitable condition of
all serious social reform, and consequently Western
Europe in turn will not fail to recognize and accept
this principle, notwithstanding the difficulties of
its realization in countries as in France, for
instance where the majority of peasants own the land
which they cultivate, but where most of those very
peasants will soon end up by owning next to nothing,
owing to the parceling out of land coming as the
inevitable result of the political and economic system
now prevailing in France. We shall, however, refrain
from offering any proposals on the land question...We
shall confine ourselves now to proposing the following
declaration:

The Declaration of Socialism. "Convinced that the
serious realization of liberty, justice, and peace
will be impossible so long as the majority of the
population remains dispossessed of elementary needs,
so long as it is deprived of education and is
condemned to political and social insignificance and
slavery - in fact if not by law - by poverty as well
as by the necessity of working without rest or
leisure, producing all the wealth upon which the world
now prides itself, and receiving in return only such a
small pan thereof that it hardly suffices to assure
its livelihood for the next day;

"Convinced that for all that mass of population,
terribly maltreated for centuries, the problem of
bread is the problem of mental emancipation, of
freedom and humanity;

"Convinced that freedom without Socialism is privilege
and injustice and that Socialism without freedom is
slavery and brutality;

"The League [for Peace and Freedom] loudly proclaims
the necessity of a radical social and economic
reconstruction, having for its aim the emancipation of
people's labor from the yoke of capital and property
owners, a reconstruction based upon strict justice -
neither juridical nor theological nor metaphysical
justice, but simply human justice - upon positive
science and upon the widest freedom."

Organization of Productive Forces in Place of
Political Power. It is necessary to abolish
completely, both in principle and in fact, all that
which is called political power; for, so long as
political power exists, there will be ruler and ruled,
masters and slaves, exploiters and exploited. Once
abolished, political power should be replaced by an
organization of productive forces and economic
service.

Notwithstanding the enormous development of modern
states - a development which in its ultimate phase is
quite logically reducing the State to an absurdity -
it is becoming evident that the days of the State and
the State principle are numbered. Already we can see
approaching the full emancipation of the toiling
masses and their free social organization, free from
governmental intervention, formed by economic
associations of the people and brushing aside all the
old State frontiers and national distinctions, and
having as its basis only productive labor, humanized
labor, having one common interest in spite of its
diversity.

The Ideal of the People. This ideal of course appears
to the people as signifying first of all the end of
want, the end of poverty, and the full satisfaction of
all material needs by means of collective labor, equal
and obligatory for all, and then, as the end of
domination and the free organization of the people's
lives in accordance with their needs - not from the
top down, as we have it in the State, but from the
bottom up, an organization formed by the people
themselves, apart from all governments and
parliaments, a free union of associations of
agricultural and factory workers, of communes,
regions, and nations, and finally, in the more remote
future; the universal human brotherhood, triumphing
above the ruins of all States.

The Program of a Free Society. Outside of the
Mazzinian system which is the system of the republic
in the form of a State, there is no other system but
that of the republic as a commune, the republic as a
federation, a Socialist and a genuine people's
republic - the system of Anarchism. It is the politics
of the Social Revolution, which aims at the abolition
of the State, and the economic, altogether free
organization of the people, an organization from below
upward, by means of a federation.

...There will be no possibility of the existence of a
political government, for this government will be
transformed into a simple administration of common
affairs.

Our program can be summed up in a few words:

Peace, emancipation, and the happiness of the
oppressed.

War upon all oppressors and all despoilers.

Full restitution to workers: all the capital, the
factories, and all instruments of work and raw
materials to go to the associations, and the land to
those who cultivate it with their own hands.

Liberty, justice, and fraternity in regard to all
human beings upon the earth.

Equality for all.

To all, with no distinction whatever, all the means of
development, education, and upbringing, and the equal
possibility of living while working.

Organizing of a society by means of a free federation
from below upward, of workers associations, industrial
as well as a agricultural, scientific as well as
literary associations - first into a commune, then a
federation communes into regions, of regions into
nations, and of nations into international fraternal
association.

Correct Tactics During a Revolution. In a social
revolution, which in everything is diametrically
opposed to a political revolution, the a of
individuals hardly count at all, whereas the
spontaneous action of masses is everything. All that
individuals can do is to clarify, propagate, and work
out ideas corresponding to the popular instinct, and,
what is more, to contribute their incessant efforts to
revolutionary organization of the natural power of the
masses - but nothing else beyond that; the rest can
and should be done by the people themselves. Any other
method would lead to political dictatorship, to the
re-emergence of the State, of privileges of
inequalities of all the oppressions of the State -
that is, it would lead in a roundabout but logical way
toward re-establishment of political, social, and
economic slavery of the masses of people.

Varlin and all his friends, like all sincere
Socialists, and in general like all workers born and
brought up among the people, shared to a high degree
this perfectly legitimate bias against the initiative
coming from isolated individuals, against the
domination exercised by superior individuals, and
being above all consistent, they extended the same
prejudice and distrust to their own persons.

Revolution by Decrees Is Doomed to Failure. Contrary
to the ideas of the authoritarian Communists,
altogether fallacious ideas in my opinion, that the
Social Revolution can be decreed and organized by
means of a dictatorship or a Constituent Assembly -
our friends, the Parisian Social-Socialists, held the
opinion that that revolution can be waged and brought
to fits full development only through the spontaneous
and continued mass action of groups and associations
of the people.

Our Parisian friends were a thousand times right. For,
indeed, there is no mind, much as it may be endowed
with the quality of a genius; or if we speak of a
collective dictatorship consisting of several hundred
supremely endowed individuals - there is no
combination of intellects so vast as to be able to
embrace all the infinite multiplicity and diversity of
the real interests, aspirations, wills, and needs
constituting in their totality the collective will of
the people; there is no intellect that can devise a
social organization capable of satisfying each and
all.

Such an organization would ever be a Procrustean bed
into which violence, more or less sanctioned by the
State, would force the unfortunate society. But it is
this old system of organization based upon force that
the Social Revolution should put an end to by giving
full liberty to the masses, groups, communes,
associations, and even individuals, and by destroying
once and for all the historic cause of all violence -
the very existence of the State, the fall of which
will entail the destruction of all the iniquities of
juridical right and all the falsehood of various
cults, that right and those cults having ever been
simply the complaisant consecration, ideal as well as
real, of all violence represented, guaranteed, and
authorized by the State.

It is evident that only when the State has ceased to
exist humanity will obtain its freedom, and the true
interests of society, of all groups, of all local
organizations, and likewise of all the individuals
forming such organization, will find their real
satisfaction.

Free Organization to Follow Abolition of the State.
Abolition of the State and the Church should be the
first and indispensable condition of the real
enfranchisement of society. It will be only after this
that society can and should begin its own
reorganization; that, however, should take place not
from the top down, not according to an ideal plan
mapped by a few sages or savants, and not by means of
decrees issued by some dictatorial power or even by a
National Assembly elected by universal suffrage. Such
a system, as I have already said, inevitably would
lead to the formation of a governmental aristocracy,
that is, a class of persons which has nothing in
common with the masses of people; and, to be sure,
this class would again turn to exploiting and
enthralling the masses under the pretext of common
welfare or of the salvation of the State.

Freedom Must Go Hand-in-Hand With Equality. I am a
convinced partisan of economic and social equality,
for I know that outside of this equality, freedom,
justice, human dignity, morality, and the well-being
of individuals as well as the prosperity of nations
are all nothing but so many falsehoods. But being at
the same time a partisan of freedom - the first
condition of humanity - I believe that equality should
be established in the world by a spontaneous
organization of labor and collective property, by the
free organization of producers' associations into
communes, and free federation of communes - but nowise
by means of the supreme tutelary action of the State.

The Difference Between Authoritarian and Libertarian
Revolution. It is this point which mainly divides the
Socialists or revolutionary collectivists from the
authoritarian Communists, the partisans of the
absolute initiative of the State. The goal of both is
the same: both parties want the creation of a new
social order based exclusively upon collective labor,
under economic conditions that are equal for all -
that is, under conditions of collective ownership of
the tools of production.

Only the Communists imagine that they can attain
through development and organization of the political
power of the working classes, and chiefly of the city
proletariat, aided by bourgeois radicalism - whereas
the revolutionary Socialists, the enemies of all
ambiguous alliances, believe, on the contrary, that
this common goal can be attained not through the
political but through the social (and therefore
anti-political) organization and power of the working
masses of the cities and villages, including all those
who, though belonging by birth to the higher classes,
have broken with their past of their own free will,
and have openly joined the proletariat and accepted
its program.

The Methods of the Communists and the Anarchists.
Hence the two different methods. The Communists
believe that it is necessary to organize the forces of
the workers in order to take possession of the
political might of the State. The revolutionary
Socialists organize with the view of destroying, or if
you prefer a more refined expression, of liquidating
the State. The Communists are the partisans of the
principle and practice of authority, while
revolutionary Socialists place their faith only in
freedom. Both are equally the partisans of science,
which is to destroy superstition and take the place of
faith; but the first want to impose science upon the
people, while the revolutionary collectivists try to
diffuse science and knowledge among the people, so
that the various groups of human society, when
convinced by propaganda, may organize and
spontaneously combine into federations, in accordance
with their natural tendencies and their real
interests, but never according to a plan traced in
advance and imposed upon the ignorant masses by a few
"superior" minds.

Revolutionary Socialists believe that there is much
more of practical reason and intelligence in the
instinctive aspirations and real needs of the masses
of people than in the profound minds of all these
learned doctors and self-appointed tutors of humanity,
who, having before them the sorry examples of so many
abortive attempts to make humanity happy, still intend
to keep on working in the same direction. But
revolutionary Socialists believe, on the contrary,
that humanity has permitted itself to be ruled for a
long time, much too long, and that the source of its
misfortune lies not in this nor in any other form of
government but in the principle and the very existence
of the government, whatever its nature may be.

It is this difference of opinion, which already has
become historic, that now exists between the
scientific Communism, developed by the German school
and partly accepted by American and English
Socialists, and Proudhonism, extensively developed and
pushed to its ultimate conclusions, and by now
accepted by the proletariat of the Latin countries.
Revolutionary Socialism has made its first brilliant
and practical appearance in the Paris Commune.

On the Pan-German banner is written: Retention and
strengthening of the State at any cost. On our banner,
the social-revolutionary banner, on the contrary, are
inscribed, in fiery and bloody letters: the
destruction of all States, the annihilation of
bourgeois civilization, free and spontaneous
organization from below upward, by means of free
associations, the organization of the unbridled rabble
of toilers, of all emancipated humanity, and the
creation of a new universally human world.

Before creating, or rather aiding the people to
create, this new organization, it is necessary to
achieve a victory. It is necessary to overthrow that
which is, in order to be able to establish that which
should be...

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bakunin/stateless.html


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