Re: [EM] maybe a new variant of Condorcet

2007-04-18 Thread Chris Benham

peter barath wrote (18/04/2007):

I call a subset of candidates a quasi-clone set, if:

1. they don't make up the whole set of candidates
2. for every candidate out of the set they are in
the same winning relation with (all beat / all tie /
all lose)

(You can ask why to make the subsets at all, but I think
this Rubicon is already crossed with the Smith-set,
which is a special kind of quasi-clone sets.)
  


This is similar to Forest Simmons'  beat clone sets he uses in his 
Dec. 2004
sprucing up process idea.

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014325.html

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014326.html

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014328.html

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014330.html

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014331.html

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014354.html

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2004-December/014337.html

Chris Benham


Markus Schulze wrote:

Dear Peter Barath,

your proposal is very similar to Mike Ossipoff's subcycle rule.
Please read:

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/1996-June/000494.html
http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/1996-June/000532.html
http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/1996-July/000572.html
http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/1997-September/001532.html
http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/1998-June/001721.html
http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2005-February/014707.html

Markus Schulze
  


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Re: [EM] PR in student government

2007-04-18 Thread Juho

On Apr 17, 2007, at 21:28 , Howard Swerdfeger wrote:


Again, I recommend a Regional Open List System.
It would be my second choice (behind STV) in therms of results  
given the

requirements you mentioned.
But it would be my first choice if one was to give more weight to
simplicity of counting and simplicity for the voter.


I agree. For me the three very basic (vanilla flavour) multi-winner  
methods are:
- STV = if one wants to avoid parties; expressive votes; computer  
based calculation for fractional votes
- open lists = if parties and/or groups are used; simple manual  
calculation
- single member districts = does not provide full PR; clear links  
between representatives and citizens of the region


There are many mixes and variants of these but I think these three  
basic methods already pretty well stretch the space.



Ballot Would look something like this

---
Voting Instructions:
1. You only have ONE vote.
2. Place an X in the box NEXT to your candidate of choice.
3. Your vote counts both for your candidate and your party.

Party A   Party B   Party C  Independent

[ ]Candidate1  [ ]Candidate1 [ ]Candidate1 [ ]Candidate1
[ ]Candidate2  [ ]Candidate2 [X]Candidate2
[ ]Candidate3  [ ]Candidate3 [ ]Candidate3
---


One very simple alternative is to just write the number of one's  
favourite candidate in a blank ballot paper. The numbers of the  
candidates are advertised elsewhere.



Seats would be allocated proportionally by party.
But the member of the party that gets each seat would be determined by
the number of votes the received.


This basic version works reasonably well. The candidate election  
process within parties (plurality like) could however be improved (if  
wanted) (e.g. by making the group structure more detailed).


Juho




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[EM] Tim Hull's PR method

2007-04-18 Thread Warren Smith
1. Voters vote for up to n candidates - n being either # of open seats or # of 
candidates
2. Each voter has one vote equally and evenly divided among the candidates they 
voted for.
3. After doing the first count, eliminate the candidate with the fewest votes.
4. Recount all ballots, dividing votes equally and evenly among *remaining 
candidates only*
5. Repeat Steps 3 and 4 until there are only as many candidates remaining as 
there are open seats.
6. The remaining candidates shall be declared elected.

Any comments on this method?
--

WDS: it seems to me this method is not PR in the sense that voters who vote
for single candidate risk having their votes wiped out, and this other problem:

EXAMPLE:
there are 10 Dems  10 Repubs running for 10 seats.
The voters are 51% Dem and 49% Repub.
Each Repub voter votes for all 10
Repubs (who thus initially each get 0.1 vote).
Each Dem voter voters 100% for just one Dem - Bill Clinton. Really
the Dem voters feel
   Clinton  all other Dems  all Repubs,
but this voting scheme does not allow them to express that feeling, so they
give it all to Clinton.

Result: 9 Dems eliminated, then 1 repub eliminated, then
the 10 winners are Clinton + 9 repubs.

The problem here is that the Dem voters are pickier than the Repub voters. 
A lot of PR-design-attempts run onto this kind of reef.

Warren D Smith
http://rangevoting.org

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[EM] Tim Hull's PR method[2]

2007-04-18 Thread Warren Smith
Well, actually, Hull's method *is* PR in the sense that if voters are assumed to
vote for candidates of their color only, and for all of them - 
then winner-counts end up proportional.

That's nice.  It's kind of a PR generalization of approval voting.


Warren D. Smith
http://rangevoting.org

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Re: [EM] Cumulative Voting with Elimination - idea for simple PR system...

2007-04-18 Thread Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
At 03:37 PM 4/17/2007, Tim Hull wrote:
In my research of voting systems, PR, etc, I've been trying to come 
up with the most simple candidate-based PR system that I can 
possibly devise that uses votes for candidates and no other factors 
to determine the winners ( i.e. open list and asset voting don't 
count for this purpose).

This is a restriction which is guaranteed to reduce the fairness and 
flexibility of the system. Asset, in particular, is actually a 
deliberative process. It *does* use the votes alone to determine the 
winners. But the votes get distributed intelligently, by trusted agents.

It's amazingly hard to get this very simple idea across: we already 
know how to hybridize direct and representative democracy, how to 
make it fully fair, it's been done for centuries.

In business.

Why we never think of doing it in politics is beyond me. Sure, you 
might argue that business is about property and politics is about ... 
what? ... but one would think that, at least, the analogous practices 
would be *considered* before being rejected. They aren't rejected. 
They aren't even considered.

Asset Voting is essentially proxy voting. Proxy voting is used in 
business because people with power and choices *insist* on it. That 
is, such people want to be able to name proxies. A proxy is a 
*chosen* personal representative, as distinct from an elected 
collective representative.

I think the reason it's difficult is history. Business *started* with 
individual rights, personal control of property, and then means 
needed to be developed for many people to make decisions 
cooperatively, *without* coercion. Coercion doesn't work when an 
investor can sell his or her shares and put their money elsewhere!

But governments started (or at least became, long ago) as centralized 
systems of authority, and representatives, where they existed at all, 
were agents of the sovereign, assigned to a jurisdiction by the 
sovereign. And then came the idea of electing them, so that they 
represented the people.

In this, representatives were assigned and considered to represent 
districts. Not people. In a districted legislature, a representative 
supposedly represents all the people in their district, whether they 
love him or hate him, and whether he is fair to those who don't like 
him or not. As long as he represents the majority, his position is 
stable, and too bad about the minority. They do not get a voice. Period.

Now, STV-PR does move away from this toward something more like 
personal representation. But Asset does it directly. It *is* personal 
representation. Delegable Proxy does this without the restrictions 
imposed by a peer assembly, so Asset Voting can be considered a more 
traditional form of Delegable Proxy.

Asset Voting, by creating an elector class, makes it possible for 
something quite close to direct democracy to exist even with secret 
ballot. (To do this, it really becomes Delegable Proxy with a 
standardized distribution of votes so that the default voting power 
of each seat is the same, but when an elector directly casts votes, 
the elector's votes assigned to that seat reduce the voting power of 
the seat for that poll.)

I'm not suggesting that the direct democracy potential of Asset 
Voting be used, at least not at first. It should be understood that 
simply using Asset to elect traditional members of an assembly, a 
group would be pioneering a new and quite exciting political reform.

Asset Voting makes putting together an assembly a *cooperative* 
effort, quite distinct from it being a *competitive* one. Candidates 
who get enough votes are simply seated with no more fuss, but what is 
interesting with Asset is what happens with excess and other 
unassigned votes. Those who hold these assets *cooperate* to put 
together seats. (A few very popular candidates may be able to 
essentially appoint a seat or more, besides their own, but they still 
would generally have excess votes to distribute, less than a quota.)

So, my question to Mr. Hull is this:

Why would you prefer a deterministic, purely aggregative system, 
which must produce results with no further human input, over a 
deliberative one, which encourages and, indeed, requires voluntary cooperation?

Aggregative methods are inherently inferior, as far as anything that 
has ever been proposed. Such methods are used, not because they are 
superior to deliberative methods, but because they have been 
considered more practical, due to the need for secret ballot. It's 
been thought that secret ballot requires a pure aggregative method. 
However, what has been overlooked, generally, is that, in the end, 
the representative is going to exercise what would otherwise be the 
votes of those represented, were it a direct democracy.

Direct democracy is considered impractical because of the problems 
raised in deliberation in large groups. This, again, is based on an 
assumption that direct democracy requires the full right of