Re: [EM] RE : Re: A few concluding points about SFC, CC, method choice, etc.

2007-02-19 Thread Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
At 10:52 AM 2/19/2007, Kevin Venzke wrote:
>--- Abd ul-Rahman Lomax <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> a écrit :
> > Election criteria sometimes presume omniscience. For example, the
> > Majority Criterion is based upon voter preferences that may not be
> > expressed, or even expressable, in the votes. "Prefer," as it was
> > clearly interpreted here, refers to a mental state of the voter.
>
>Well, I wouldn't define MF that way. But I can go with this. We can
>say that MF says that if there is a majority favorite on sincere
>preferences, and voting is sincere, the MF wins.

If you use actual votes rather than unexpressed 
but sincere preferences, then Approval satisfies 
Majority Favorite. But when I pointed that out 
here, I was told, quite clearly and with nobody 
chiming in with support for my position, that the 
Majority Criterion -- which I think is the same 
as MF -- was about sincere preferences, not about actual votes.

And even though the Majority, under Approval, has 
a means of expressing "strict preference," which 
is to bullet vote. Because they might elect to 
not do this, for whatever reason, it is alleged that Approval fails the MC.

If we *don't* allow the concept of "sincere" 
preference, but only expressed preference, then 
Approval fails MC in a manner that it obviously 
*should* fail it, that is, the failure is purely 
technical, since it would be failing to elect the 
preference of majority because a *larger* majority preferred another.

>[...]  And we know, without doubt, that the
> > Expected Utility Criterion and the Majority Criterion are not
> > mutually compatible.
>
>Presumably the EUC would also have to require sincerity in the votes.
>Yes, I agree that EUC and MF aren't compatible given this.

Right. Now, EUC is an actual measure of election 
success, whereas MF is what I'd call a secondary 
measure. It is a criterion which *seems* rational 
if one neglects preference strength, and many 
would neglect it on first thought. In the pizza 
examples I've given, the pizza election is an 
unqualified success if everyone is happy with the 
outcome, and it is a partial success if as many 
as possible are happy. "Unqualified success" is 
often *only* possible if the MF is violated.

But the *real* criterion behind MF, the totally 
legitimate one, is majority rule. That is, the 
majority has the right of decision. As 
parliamentarians know, this right is best and 
most clearly expressed when it is made through a 
Yes/No decision that has been the subject of full 
process in the determination of what question is 
to be asked; at every step along the way, the 
majority has the right of decision.

The problem with election methods in general is 
that they attempt to short-circuit this process. 
So, for me, the question of election methods 
reduces to the question to how to *best* 
short-circuit it, to obtain a result that is the 
mostly likely result that would be obtained 
through standard deliberative process, but 
without the time and effort involved.

Part of the deliberative process is a 
consideration of the impact of the decision on 
minorities. If a majority simply steam-rollers a 
decision through based on its undenied majority 
power, it can make *very* bad decisions, 
decisions that polarize society and make friends 
into enemies. Decisions that cause civil wars or 
insurgencies. Decisions that make societies 
dysfunctional in many ways, as people 
increasingly consider government to be "them" rather than "us."

MF in an election method is that steamroller. 
It's fast, it's easy to understand. And it can 
flatten far too many people. *Usually* MF will 
pick the best winner. That's why democracies 
using it have been as successful as they have. 
But if you look at the rough edges, the places 
where democracies *aren't* working well, you 
might see what I've seen: MF is part of the 
problem. It only has to make a bad decision 
occasionally to have this effect, for these 
decisions accumulate over the years.

Range or Approval won't suddenly cause elections 
to violate MF, the vast majority of Range and 
Approval elections are likely to satisfy it. My 
point is that there Range and Approval *don't* 
satisfy it, they do so to find a better winner.

So MF is in indirect measure of election success, 
not a direct one. And most election criteria are 
like this, except this SUC which was have not 
precisely defined, but which we can understand 
clearly in at least some situations, enough to 
know that MF should be sometimes violated.


>I do think it is interesting to consider whether a method fails
>"gracefully." The worst result under Condorcet methods is probably
>worse than the worst result under IRV. You have to ask also how much
>to worry about this relative to other concerns.

It's a real concern. If we want to talk about 
"worst" case, IRV can fail spectacularly because 
of its peculiar method, Warren has posted an 
example that shows a seriously terrible outcome. 
Obviously, not very like

Re: [EM] RE : Re: A few concluding points about SFC, CC, method choice, etc.

2007-02-19 Thread Dave Ketchum
On Mon, 19 Feb 2007 16:52:08 +0100 (CET) Kevin Venzke wrote:

> Hi,
> 
> --- Abd ul-Rahman Lomax <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> a écrit :
> 
>>At 06:15 PM 2/16/2007, Kevin Venzke wrote:
...

> Nope. But you see that your criticism of Condorcet also applies to EUC.
> 
> 
>>If voters don't vote strategically, then it can fail to find the 
>>utility winner. Garbage in, garbage out.
>>
>>But the real practical question is whether or not it fails 
>>gracefully. And it appears that it does.
>>
> 
> I do think it is interesting to consider whether a method fails 
> "gracefully." The worst result under Condorcet methods is probably
> worse than the worst result under IRV. You have to ask also how much
> to worry about this relative to other concerns.
> 

A handy IRV demo that I included in email this AM showed that with 3 
candidates and 35A obviously deserving to lose to 65B, IRV happily awarded 
the win to A.

What can you trick Condorcet into that is nearly this bad?

When it gets this bad even voters might notice!


...

-- 
  [EMAIL PROTECTED]people.clarityconnect.com/webpages3/davek
  Dave Ketchum   108 Halstead Ave, Owego, NY  13827-1708   607-687-5026
Do to no one what you would not want done to you.
  If you want peace, work for justice.



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Re: [EM] RE : Re: A few concluding points about SFC, CC, method choice, etc.

2007-02-18 Thread Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
At 06:15 PM 2/16/2007, Kevin Venzke wrote:
>Hm? "Maximum utility" meaning "matches the SU winner perfectly" or
>"matches the SU winner the best among methods that actually exist"?
>
>In the former case it's not clear this method actually exists. In the
>latter case I'd guess that you shouldn't guarantee this.

Election criteria sometimes presume omniscience. For example, the 
Majority Criterion is based upon voter preferences that may not be 
expressed, or even expressable, in the votes. "Prefer," as it was 
clearly interpreted here, refers to a mental state of the voter.

So we can state that if a method elects the candidate who maximizes 
voter expected utility, summed across the electorate, it satisfies 
the Expected Utility Criterion. And we know, without doubt, that the 
Expected Utility Criterion and the Majority Criterion are not 
mutually compatible.

What we are limited to, however, is what voters actually express. 
Condorcet methods purport to elect the pairwise preference winner. 
But if voters vote "strategically," that is, they don't express their 
actual preferences, the method can fail to select the actual preference winner.

Range, of sufficient resolution, *is* precisely a method which 
explicitly selects the utility winner, if voters vote sincere 
utilities. So Range satisfies the EUC. Got any other methods which do this?

If voters don't vote strategically, then it can fail to find the 
utility winner. Garbage in, garbage out.

But the real practical question is whether or not it fails 
gracefully. And it appears that it does.

(There are other limitations. Range, for example, equates all voters. 
This assumption certainly causes a mismatch between results and true 
utility, but the assumption appears necessary in a democracy.)


> > Yes, the statement is true, but it is completely off the point. We
> > are not comparing "arbitrary methods."
>
>It's not off the point. It's a response to this comment of yours:
>
>"Too often, when we consider methods by election criteria, we assume that
>a criterion is desirable, entirely apart from whether or not it chooses
>the optimum winner."
>
>This makes it sound like you don't understand why criteria are used or
>think that they are inherently at odds with SU. That's why I replied in
>the way I did.

It makes it sound like that because, which I wouldn't say "inherently 
at odds with SU," I *would* say that Election Criteria, most of them, 
are indirect. That is, we presume that it benefits society for the 
Majority Criterion to be followed. But, in fact, this may not be the 
case. More accurately, it is true only under certain conditions.

It's indirect. Instead of saying that we want a red shirt, we say 
that we want a shirt that gets a bull excited. That might get us a 
red shirt, but it might not.

For me, the only question about SU is the best way to measure it. The 
Condorcet Criterion has *nothing* to do with measuring SU. It's just 
a guess at a beneficial method, an intuititively satisfying one that 
turns out to miss something extremely important.

> > It is obvious that MF has a utility. It is unlikely to choose a truly
> > bad candidate.

It can and has, so I don't know about "unlikely." Think Ruanda. (Now, 
I don't know the full details of the election involved, but it was 
won by the leader of the majority Hutu tribe. I'm guessing that he 
was a majority victor.)

>  But methods which specifically optimize utility are
> > going to fail MF. That's the point.
>
>As far as I'm aware, there is no way at this point to conclude that there
>is a method failing MF that optimizes utility better than every method
>that satisfies MF. Or vice versa for that matter.


>If you want to posit sincerity, though, then never mind this comment.

There is no real alternative to positing sincerity. *No* method can 
guarantee good results if the voters don't disclose their opinions!

Yes, it's possible to facilitate this. What is completely obvious to 
me, though, is that ballots which only collect preference information 
are inadequate, because preference strength is essential information 
for the maximization of utility. Many elections, to be sure, will 
have a range of candidates such that preference strength is not 
important. And this is the reason why Plurality works as well as it 
has, and why Condorcet methods would work as well as we can expect.


> > I've argued that the majority has the right of decision. In this
> > example, if the majority wants to ensure the election of A so much
> > that it is willing to damage society, overall, it may do so. It
> > simply votes B at a lower rating, sufficiently low that B loses. But,
> > and I've given this argument again and again, this willingness
> > conflicts with an assumption: that the majority values B at 80.
> >
> > No, if they are willing to lower B's rating to very low, which is
> > what it would take, it is necessarily true that they place a higher
> > relative value on the election of A than th

Re: [EM] RE : Re: A few concluding points about SFC, CC, method choice, etc.

2007-02-17 Thread Juho
On Feb 15, 2007, at 23:29 , Kevin Venzke wrote:

> --- Abd ul-Rahman Lomax <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> a écrit :

>> Thus, we conclude, the Condorcet Criterion *must* be violated in some
>> elections by an optimal method, and thus this theoretical optimum
>> method must fail the criterion and others similar to it, such as the
>> Majority Criterion and SFC.
>
> I agree with this, although I don't think this theoretical optimum
> method exists. If it does exist I suppose it's pretty complicated.

I'm not ambitious enough to try to define a method that would give  
optimum results in all cases. Even proving this for one case is too  
difficult. I however think that it is a good practice to choose one  
utility function that the society agrees to approximate the real  
world needs accurately enough. There need not be one such function.  
Different targets may apply in different situations (one could seek  
best median utility or minimize worst utility to one individual,  
width of opposition, take into account strength of opposing opinions,  
strong first preference support to the winner etc.). And sometimes  
one the society may be satisfied with some other than the  
theoretically best utility function to make the system better in some  
other aspects (e.g. simplicity, strategy resistance).

>> Too often, when we consider methods by
>> election criteria, we assume that a criterion is desirable, entirely
>> apart from whether or not it chooses the optimum winner.
>
> I would guess that most of our criteria *do* coincide with higher
> utility. All things being equal you couldn't expect that a method that
> fails majority favorite would produce higher utility.
>
> There are other issues besides utility of course... There's the  
> question
> of what the public will accept and understand how to use, and there's
> all the questions of how to give the voter incentive to vote  
> sincerely.

Yes, all such criteria need to be considered. Abd ul-Rahman Lomax  
mentioned that also the majority rule could be violated. I agree that  
with some excellent utility functions that gives the best overall  
utility (e.g. Range style). One reason why the majority rule is  
popular is that it is hard to develop voting methods that would not  
respect it and still be strategy resistant. Or maybe majority rule is  
in some cases in line with the targeted utility function (e.g. to  
avoid a mutiny of the majority). (There are also other reasons, like  
simply the tradition.)

One reason why I think it would be good to always mention the target  
utility function is that then it is easier to compare the impact of  
the strategy resistance related modifications to some voting method  
against the basic utility function. It is typical that when strong  
anti-strategy measures are applied they make the achieved utility a  
bit worse. These two aspects, strategy resistance and good  
performance with sincere votes, need to be balanced. (I have often  
used the example of winning votes and ballots 49:A, 49:BC, 1:CA.)

Juho Laatu



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Re: [EM] RE : Re: A few concluding points about SFC, CC, method choice, etc.

2007-02-15 Thread Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
At 04:29 PM 2/15/2007, Kevin Venzke wrote:
>I would guess that most of our criteria *do* coincide with higher
>utility. All things being equal you couldn't expect that a method that
>fails majority favorite would produce higher utility.

I'm not sure what "all things being equal" means, particularly 
because Majority Favorite is clearly suboptimal in some 
not-too-uncommon scenarios, generally involving the majority having a 
small preference for a candidate, with the minority having a large 
preference *against* that candidate.

A Shi'a voter might not have a strong preference between two Shi'a 
candidates, one of them being the majority favorite. But a Sunni 
voter might have very strong feelings between them if one of them is 
clearly more fair toward the minority Sunnis.

(As an aside, considering the Shi'a the majority is almost an 
oxymoron. Practically by definition, Sunni means "majority," but, of 
course, it is a majority in the whole Muslim world (a strong one), 
just not in Iraq.)

Range will uncover this, and select based on overall utility, if 
voters vote sincerely. If they don't vote sincerely, results will 
vary, but they won't be *worse* than Majority Favorite.

The Majority cannot fail to elect its Favorite unless it allows 
another candidate some vote strength. If the Majority *strictly* 
prefers its Favorite, it will prevail in Approval. By "strict" I mean 
that it does not allow the expression of parity with another 
candidate. That is, a majority bullet-votes for its favorite. Only if 
some segment of that majority also approves another candidate can 
another win. Of course, with Approval, there is no way to determine 
from the votes if there was a violation of Majority Favorite; indeed, 
it seems more likely, in general, that the Approval winner *would* 
generally be the Majority Favorite.

>There are other issues besides utility of course... There's the question
>of what the public will accept and understand how to use, and there's
>all the questions of how to give the voter incentive to vote sincerely.

It appears from Warren's research, however limited it was, that 
voters are quite likely to vote sincerely unless you give them a good 
reason not to.

> > It's
> > *assumed*, very easily, that the majority choice is the optimum
> > winner -- and therefore it is desirable to satisfy the Majority
> > Criterion -- when this is certainly not clear enough to be reasonably
> > an axiom.
>
>I think it's actually clear that the majority favorite isn't necessarily
>the SU winner. I don't think it follows from this that it isn't desirable
>to satisfy MF. It depends on what alternatives you have.

The MF winner can be a disaster, compared to a Range winner, in some 
scenarios not too far from recent history. I don't see the reverse 
being likely at all. That is, Range is only likely to elect other 
than the MF when there is a *better* candidate.

(Unless you use the weird Rube Goldberg "quorum rule" that has been 
tacked onto Range in an attempt to implement a goal which seems noble 
in itself, that of making it easy to abstain from rating a candidate 
without hurting the candidate. But that goal is itself questionable, 
and introduces an entirely new kind of reform, and one which could 
cause a failure of a Range election, though the conditions are 
unclear to me. Has this contraption been tested?)

> > Any person or business which makes decisions failing to
> > consider the strength of preferences will soon run into trouble
>
>An individual person has a great advantage in measuring preference
>strengths.

Certainly. However, businesses also need to make decisions based on 
input from many people. Range Voting is not uncommon in those 
situations. (Consider how many polls you've participated in where you 
were asked to rate something on a scale of 1 - 10.)


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