One would hopefully find the following comparisons quite instructive. Sukla
I. Quote *Have you left the path of armed struggle for good?* * *We have given up violence for the time being. In fact, we want to integrate our People's Liberation Army into the Nepal Army so that our boys receive good training. To us, this was part of a restructuring exercise. The Army is rather feudal and is resisting this. If the peace process is long, some cadres may leave us. Some of them have joined the Terai movement. Even within our party, some want to go back to the path of revolution. A philosophical churning is on, not just within our party but within other parties as well. Unquote [Source: The interview posted here, also available at < http://www.tehelka.com/story_main42.asp?filename=Ne010809we_still.asp>.] II. http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/001200805172067.htm *Prachanda sends strong signal to Indian Maoists to shun arms Kathmandu (PTI): Sending a strong message to Maoists in India to shun violence, Prachanda on Saturday said the Leftist rebels' electoral triumph in Nepal should make them understand the difference between ballot and bullet. "Our behaviour, our policy, our practice itself strongly gave the message to the Maoists of India. Though, we don't want to directly address them, the benefit we have got, the difference of ballot and bullet has already sent a message," the Maoist chief told Karan Thapar here in an interview for CNN-IBN's Devil's Advocate programme. Prachanda, believed to be Nepal's prime minister-in- waiting, was asked what advice he would give to the Maoists in India. "There should be a serious discussion in the matter inside the Maoists of India. A strong message has already gone to the Maoists of India and Maoists all over the world about our victory," said the 53-year-old CPN-Maoist chief, who led a decade-long armed struggle against monarchy before joining political mainstream in 2006. Asked whether he would like India to persuade the US to take the Maoists off the terror list, said "I won't request them but expect them to do it". "In fact, we already have contact with the US administration," he said. * III. http://www.hindu.com/2008/05/17/stories/2008051754771100.htm <http://www.hindu.com/2008/05/17/stories/2008051754771100.htm> *'The situation in Nepal and India are completely different'* K. Srinivas Reddy The ideological debates and discussions with the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) have to continue, says Indian Maoist spokesperson Azad. *In a prepared interview, Indian Maoist spokesperson Azad says that just coming to power through Parliament cannot lead to restructuring the system in Nepal. To the extent possible, the Maoists could use their relative control over the state to help the masses in their struggle for freedom, democracy and livelihood, he says. * Snipped IV. Quote However, *in the name of struggle against dogmatism, there have been serious deviations in the International Communist Movement (ICM), often going into an even greater, or at least equally dangerous, abyss of right deviation and revisionism. In the name of creative application of Marxism, communist parties have fallen into the trap of right opportunism, bourgeois pluralist Euro-Communism, rabid anti-Stalinism, anarchist post-modernism and outright revisionism.* .... ....... *"The agreement by the Maoists to become part of the interim government in Nepal cannot transform the reactionary character of the state machinery that serves the exploiting ruling classes and imperialists. The state can be the instrument in the hands of either the exploiting classes or the proletariat but it cannot serve the interests of both these bitterly-contending classes. It is the fundamental tenet of Marxism that no basic change in the social system can be brought about without smashing the state machine. Reforms from above cannot bring any qualitative change in the exploitative social system however democratic the new Constitution might seem to be, and even if the Maoists become an important component of the government. It is sheer illusion to think that a new Nepal can be built without smashing the existing state."* ....... A Maoist victory in Nepal, or at least the further consolidation of the vast Base Areas in that country, would have given rise to a new situation in South Asia, and a new democratic Nepal advancing towards socialism would have become a focal point, a rallying point, for the revolutionary forces in the region as well as all anti-imperialist, genuinely nationalist and democratic forces. It would have also played a significant role in the world-wide front against imperialism and assisted the national liberation struggles and revolutionary struggles thereby strengthening the cause of world socialist revolution. But the government led by CPN(M) under com Prachanda, on the contrary, has not even condemned the Israeli zionist brutal aggression and massacres of Palestinians in Gaza. It is really distressing and alarming to see this narrow nationalism, a policy of appeasement towards imperialism and a non-proletarian approach on the part of the CPN(M). The same approach of CPN(M) is seen in the relations with India too. Com Prachanda, soon after the electoral victory, was all in praise for the role played by the Indian ruling classes in forging the alliance between the Maoists and SPA and bringing about the "smooth, peaceful transition" from monarchy to parliamentary democracy in Nepal. And when com Prachanda visited India in September he went a step ahead by hob-nobbing with the worst reactionary leaders of the Hindu chauvinist BJP such as LK Advani, Murali Manohar Joshi and Rajnath Singh. Whose class interests would all these serve? Do not these point to a high level of opportunism on the part of the UCPN(M) and abdication of all proletarian norms in fraternal relations? We call upon the entire ranks of the UCPN(M) to immediately shed these bourgeois nationalist (if at all these qualify for such a description), non-proletarian policies which totally deviate from MLM and proletarian internationalism. Our CC has followed the deliberations at the national convention of CPN(M) in November 2008, gone through the two documents placed by comrade Prachanda and Mohan Baidya and the various writings by your Party leaders in the magazines and news papers. While the inner-Party struggle is an encouraging sign and a positive development in the life of the Party, it is very important and vital to ensure that it is carried out in a more thoroughgoing, fearless and frank manner so as the initiative of the entire Party cadre is released and a correct revolutionary line is established through collective participation of the entire Party. Now that the government headed by comrade Prachanda has collapsed after the withdrawal of support by the UML and others at the behest of the Indian ruling classes, American imperialists and the local reactionaries, the Party leadership should be better placed to understand how the reactionaries can manage the show from the sidelines or outside and obstruct even moves such as sacking of the Army chief by a Prime Minister. This is a clear warning to the Maoists in Nepal that they cannot do whatever they like through their elected government against the wishes of the imperialists and Indian expansionists. At least now they should realize the futility of going into the electoral game and, instead, should concentrate on building class struggle and advancing the people"s war in the countryside. They should pull out the PLA from the UN-supervised barracks which are virtually like prisons for the fighters, reconstruct the organs of people"s revolutionary power at various levels, retake and consolidate the base areas, and expand the guerrilla war, and class and mass struggles throughout the country. There is no short cut to achieve real power to the people. If the Party leadership hesitates to continue the people"s war at this critical juncture of history and persists in the present right opportunist line then history will hold the present leadership responsible for the abortion of revolution in Nepal. *With Revolutionary Greetings,* *Politbureau,* *CPI(Maoist)* *May 20, 2009* Unquote [Source: *Open Letter to CPN (Maoist) *< http://www.mlmrsg.com/attachments/061_Open%20Letter%20to%20CPN%20(Maoist).pdf >.] On Sun, Jul 26, 2009 at 4:02 AM, sandy bajeli wrote: > > (The fall of aboslute monarchy, that crumbled under the cumulative blows of > the armed struggle led by the Maoists and the militant people's movement, > paved the way for a building of a secular, progressive polity with > an avowedly pro-women orientation and agenda. Earlier the women were > shackled by the oppressive chains of patriarchy and > totally marginalized from education, denied property rights, with no divorce > rights, no re-marriage for widows, rampant marriage of girl child etc and > had a grossly unequal status in the family. today it seems everything > is just the relic of the past with a new dawn shining on the horizon. Prior > to the fall of Monarchy in the base areas of the Maoists the uequal and > unjust social values and practices became thoroughly obsolete and condemned, > land were granted to women, widow and inter-caste marriages and education > were promoted. From being the virtual slave of men they became guerilla > women gaining new identity and equal status in the war of liberation. The > birth of the New women of Nepal has shown that without uprooting feudalism > root and branch there cannot be any genuine and complete freedom for them. > It also point out the fact that ultimately without the armed struggle it is > impossible to achieve the herculeran task of overthrowing the mountain > of feudalism and imperialism. Even though the tasks remains incomplete > today the oppressed women of Nepal are in the centre of the discourse of the > policy makers in the planning and development in the real sense of the term. > The interview of com. Hisila Yami illuminates the fact that it is > their uncompromising total war that made them a popular force in the eyes > of the oppressed and changed the balance of power so dramatically. it also > shows that the emaniciaption of women is essentially interlinked with the > larger struggle of the broader masses in other words it is a part and parcel > for the struggle for a new democratic society. As Anuradha Gandhi once > wrote, women needs revolution, revolution needs women) > sandy > > > From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 30, Dated August 01, 2009 > > NEPAL : 'WE STILL FIGHT, BUT WITH WORDS, NO LONGER WITH GUNS' > > 50-year-old Hisila Yami alias Comrade Parvati, Nepal's most powerful woman > Maoist leader, dispells the myth that Maoist guerillas are bellicose and > unkempt. She is suave, soft-spoken and smiles often. Educated in India and > England, this architect taught in a college for 13 years before going > underground during the Maoists' 11-year-long armed struggle. From guerilla > camps to becoming Minister for Tourism to being elected to Nepal's > Constituent Assembly, Hisila has had a long and eventful journey. Despite > being a political heavyweight -- a Member of the Politburo of the Unified > Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPNM), a former Minister and wife of > Baburam Bhattarai, the ideological fount of the CPN-M -- Hisila wears her > identity lightly.. > > In a smart business suit, a salt-andpepper- haired Hisila spoke to AMRITA > NANDY-JOSHI of the Nepali Maoists' transition from revolution to > realpolitik, from military offensives to political offensives and the > roadblocks faced in between. > image > > Despite years of a violent war, what brought the Maoists victory in Nepal's > Constituent Assembly elections? > Our armed struggle was a people's war. The people of Nepal had grown > intolerant of a corrupt and inefficient government. The monarch and other > non-left parties have promoted and taken advantage of the dominant Hindu > belief systems. With the Army supporting and protecting monarchy and > imperialism, people eventually saw who stood for what. The CPN-M declared > total war against these forces. We had even thought of taking over Kathmandu > but we realized that this would not be appropriate. Besides, we knew how > India and China would have responded. > > Meanwhile, the Maoists gained popularity and our strategy gained momentum > because we delivered what the government could not. For example, justice was > Kathmandu-centric and archaic. So we appointed two legal officers, a man and > a woman, to every district. We started a crude banking system and cottage > industries as well. We almost ran a parallel government. People knew and > appreciated our values of egalitarianism. > > How difficult is it for Maoists to deal with realpolitik? > Entering a multi-party parliamentary democracy system is certainly a > departure from certain models of communist revolution. Yet, in another way, > war and democracy have a dialectical relationship. > > Nepal has a rich leftist tradition and movement, with many shades of red. > We have fully used this to our advantage to enter the peace process. We are > following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a timetable for the > Maoists to enter Parliament, lay down arms, join the Government and > participate in the electoral process. > > At the Constituent Assembly (CA) meetings, I watch our cadre members and am > amazed at how quickly they have learnt the ropes. Yet, the struggle is on. > We fight now with words and not with guns - we argue over the expressions to > be used in drafting the Constitution (smiles). > > What roadblocks are causing the current stalemate? > Our strongest opposition is from the military because their supremacy is > challenged in a parliamentary democracy. They enjoyed impunity under the > monarchy and do not like us for our egalitarian ideals and the idea of > civilian supremacy. Other non-Marxist parties such as the Nepali Congress, > too, see the military as their last saviour, and so cling to each other and > to imperialist agents. > > The Comprehensive Peace Process clearly states that the cadres of the > People's Liberation Army will be integrated into the Nepal Army. The Army > Chief has overruled this. Since the army's loyalties to the monarchy are > well known, we suggested that the terms of generals not be extended. In > fact, new officers were recruited to the top echelons of the police and > paramilitary forces. We faced no opposition. Yet, when it came to the Army, > the same idea became untenable. We are keen to end the impasse and want to > be flexible but our flexibility is not absolute. > > Is there democracy within the party? > Internal democracy in the CPN-M is very strong. Prachanda encourages > diversity of ideas but has the knack of keeping the team together. There are > some who do not agree with our struggle within the parliamentary framework. > There are contradictions, old and new. Yet, we are all firm that we will not > let realpolitik overcome our people-oriented agenda. > > Have you left the path of armed struggle for good? > We have given up violence for the time being. In fact, we want to integrate > our People's Liberation Army into the Nepal Army so that our boys receive > good training. To us, this was part of a restructuring exercise. The Army is > rather feudal and is resisting this. > > If the peace process is long, some cadres may leave us. Some of them have > joined the Terai movement. Even within our party, some want to go back to > the path of revolution. A philosophical churning is on, not just within our > party but within other parties as well. > > In other South Asian countries, federal decentralisation has defeated the > collective spirit. How will you ensure you don't repeat the mistake? > Federalism helps reach out to every person in a parliamentary democracy. We > are discussing this at the CA and are proposing 15 states to accommodate all > communities. Religious and ethnic conflicts happen in Nepal as well. In the > Terai, there have been clashes between Hindus and Muslims but things do not > flare up like they do in India. > > As Maoists, however, we believe that as economic development takes over, > religious and ethnic sentiments will wither away. All three regions of Nepal > have to be economically viable and integrated in order to keep conflict at > bay. There will have to be an inch-by-inch adjustment. > > In the name of culture, religious and ethnic issues can take the stage. By > ensuring that that workers and peasants have representation within ethnic > groups, we hope to resolve ethnic and class conflicts. > > When we went to war in 1996, our agenda was a new, democratic revolution. > This stage -- the peace process -- is penultimate. The goal is still the total > restructuring of the state. > > It is momentous to be part of a country's constitution- making exercise. > How are you ensuring that it is progressive, particularly with regard to > women? > We have been preparing for this moment for a long time. Women are part of > all CA sub-committees on planning and development. There are several young > women from the dailt, sherpa, madhesi and Muslim communities representing > different political parties. They are planning land reforms while keeping > the interests of women, dalits and other marginalised groups in mind. > Inheritance rights will be re-looked at. The sub-committee will recommend > that inheritance take place in the name of the mother, daughter and so on. > > As per a Supreme Court ruling, the 'third sex' will be a recognised > category of sexual identity. Our forms and other papers should soon have a > box with 'third sex', besides the usual 'man' and 'woman' options. Nepal's > society is quite liberal about sexual identities and orientation. The left, > in particular, is tolerant towards these issues. In fact, Sunil Pant is > Nepal's first openly gay Member of Parliament. > > Yet, women's struggle against patriarchy will be long and hard. When my > name was to be registered for elections to the CA, the officials assumed > that I use my husband's name and registered me as Hisila Yami Bhattarai! > > At this juncture, what role do you expect India to play in Nepal? > India's role should be mature. During the debate over Army Chief Katawal's > unconstitutional response, India supported him and pressurised us to give in > to an Army that has always supported the monarchy and been status quoist. > > The Indian government has declared the CPI (Maoist) as terrorists and has > banned them. What is your reaction? Do you have any links to them? > Banning the outfit will not help. Economic issues should be dealt with > through economic measures. The Indian Maoist parties concentrate on their > own work. We focus on ours. We do sympathise with them. > > How is China reacting to the developments in Nepal? > China is busy doing business (smiles). > > > > > --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. 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