[humanrights-movement:4763] Findings of PDS Survey held in June, 2011

2011-08-21 Thread Gopika Nangia
A summer survey to study the ground realities of the Public Distribution
System (PDS), initiated by IIT Delhi, and coordinated by development
economists, Jean Dreze and Reetika Khera, was conducted in the month of
June, 2011. A group of research scholars and student volunteers spent three
weeks surveying the PDS in more than 100 randomly-selected villages spread
over nine states (Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh,
Jharkhand, Orissa, R­ajasthan, Tamil Nadu, and Uttar Pradesh). They
inspected the local fair price shops and interviewed more than a thousand
“below-the-poverty-line” (BPL) households.


Here are a group of articles written by them based on their findings :


*Open Letter to the PM **:  *In all the sample states, with the notable
exception of Bihar, there have been major initiatives in the recent past to
improve the PDS and these efforts are showing results. Most of the sample
households were getting the bulk if not the whole of their food­grain
entitlements under the PDS

http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/letter-toprime-ministerpublic-distribution-system/443560/
(Also
contains table illustrating their findings)



*PDS: Signs of Revival* *by Reetika Khera*  Obituaries for the PDS system
are a bit premature, based as they are on outdated data and presumptions.
Despite flaws like pilfering and leakages, the system shows signs of
improvement in certain states.

http://www.hindu.com/mag/2011/06/12/stories/2011061250110400.htm



*PDS Leakages : The Plot Thickens* *by Reetika Khera and Jean Drèze* : While
diversion rates still remain high, evidence seems to point to substantial
improvements in the public distribution system around the country.

http://www.hindu.com/mag/2011/06/12/stories/2011061250110400.htm



*The PDS Learning Curve **by Jijo Jose:*  In Odisha, we surveyed two
districts: Nuapada, infamous for its starvation deaths and high rates of
distress migration, and Sundergarh, hotbed of the controversial POSCO
project. In each district we surveyed six villages, spread over two blocks

http://www.downtoearth.org.in/content/pds-learning-curve

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[humanrights-movement:4764] Fw: Update from POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti as on 21st August 2011

2011-08-21 Thread Ranjana


--- On Sun, 21/8/11, alter nate nopo...@gmail.com wrote:


From: alter nate nopo...@gmail.com
Subject: Update from POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti as on 21st August 2011
To: prashantpaikray prashantpaik...@gmail.com
Date: Sunday, 21 August, 2011, 14:22





Dear Friends,


Our roadblock against the setting up the POSCO steel plant is continuing at 
Gobindpur village boarder. Another protest by Bhitamati Suraksha Samiti in 
Nuagaon village is also continued.  The people at Gadakujang village erected a 
bamboo gate to prevent entry of officials and have stalled the construction and 
tree-felling operation who were earlier staunch supporters of the steel 
project. 
Recently, the government is making new tricks to enter into our area.  The 
government is planning to laid a coastal road from Paradip (nearest town) to 
our villages.  On 19th of August the government has laid the foundation for 
road construction. On 20th of August, around 400 people including the 
contractor and workers were proceeding to the site during the day; our people 
protested the move and chased them away. We held a public meeting to oppose the 
laying of the road. Our people are determined not to allow the construction of 
the road.
We will let you know the future developments here.   Kindly circulate this mail 
widely.
 In Solidarity,
Prashant Paikaray
Spokesperson, POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti
Mobile no - 09437571547 
E -Mail-  prashantpaik...@gmail.com









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[humanrights-movement:4766] Fwd: Aam Jan Lokpal, UIDs: A Third View By Gopal Krishna

2011-08-21 Thread Kamayani
-- Forwarded message --
From: Vivek sundara viveksund...@gmail.com
Date: Sun, Aug 21, 2011 at 8:47 PM


Date: 21 August 2011
Subject: Aam Jan Lokpal, UIDs: A Third View By Gopal Krishna



Aam Jan Lokpal, UIDs: A Third View By Gopal
Krishnahttp://www.countercurrents.org/krishna200811.htm


**

Aam Jan Lokpal, UIDs: A Third View

*By Gopal Krishna*

20 August, 2011
*Rediff.com*http://www.rediff.com/news/report/a-third-view-on-aam-jan-lokpal-uids/20110819.htm

*Today, in addition to Aam Jan Lokpal, the country seeks liberation from
non-governmental institutions which takes birth due to legislations passed
by British Parliament in 1860 and 1882. *

Is there even an iota of doubt that independence from this colonial legacy
will make movements democratic and holistic? Will Parliament and the State's
legislative assemblies take steps to dismantle this colonial law that
creates non-governmental institutions in the country?

Historical and political understanding of most non-governmental institutions
can be gauged from the fact that the Unique Identity Number/Aadhaar number /
National Population Register which is a chain for slavery deemed to be a
solution just because of touching faith in discredited rulers and the
companies.

One of the most recent Wikileaks indicates that former dictator Hosni
Mubarak and his regime handed over the database of UID card to the Federal
Bureau of Investigation.

On June 29, 2011 Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh met six editors to speak
on corruption and Lokpal, but instead, he implied that Unique Identity
Number/ Aadhaar Number being created by the chairperson of Unique
Identification Authority of Indiaand former Infosys [ Get Quote ] CEO Nandan
Manohar Nilekani to deal with corruption.

Surprisingly, non-government institutions in general have failed to fathom
the threats posed by commercials czars who have proposed the Centralised
Identities Data Register.

If the goal is to change the system instead of change in the ruling party,
Lokpal alone is not sufficient. Most people involved with the 'total
revolution' movement in the 1970s have opened their own departmental stores,
shops and non-governmental institutions who had led a similar
anti-corruption movement.

Before they take retirement or be left in the pit of oblivion, they must
answer as why did they abandon their own call for 'total revolution'? Why
they did not deconstruct in the context of their movement and failure in the
context of world history. Why they made total revolution' as meaningless
word?

If it is indeed about change in the system, where is the manifesto of the
change? There are at least five things that merit attention in this regard.
One is sarkari Lokpal Bill, the second Jan Lokpal, the third is Aam Jan
Lokpal, fourth is National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010 and
the Companies Bill 2009.

With regard to the first three there is an apparent agreement that on one
issue that country's political and administrative system have been poisoned
by the business enterprises and company's owners. Quite cunningly, these
enterprises and owners have engineered seemingly irreconcilable
confrontation.

Among these three my consent is with the Aam Jan Lokpal. But the real issue
is the intent of the government since early 1960s.

Recently, in the Parliament Library one came across Lokpal and Lokayukta
Bill that was introduced on May 9, 1968 by the then Home Minister
Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan was in the Lok Sabha.

Lokpal Bill, 1977 that introduced by the then Home Minister Charan Singh
when Shanti Bhushan was the Law Minister in the aftermath of the call for
'total revolution' and after the change of ruling political party in the Lok
Sabha in 1977.

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill, 1971 was introduced by the then Home
Minister Ram Niwas Mirdha, In 1985, Law Minister Ashok Kumar Sen, in 1989,
the Law Minister Dinesh Govswami, in 1996, S.R.Balasubramaniam, Minister of
State of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pension, in 1998, M R Janarthanan,
Minister of State of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pension and in 2001,
Minister of State of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pension Kadambur
Vasundhara Raje were introduced in the Lok Sabha.

Once again, the 40-page Lokpal Bill, 2011 was introduced on August 4, 2011
in Lok Sabha by V Narayanasamy, Personnel, Public Grievances and Pension
Minister. As per PTI news report dated August 8, 2011, Vice President and
the Chairman of Rajya Sabha Hamid Ansari has referred the Bill to the
Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances headed by
Rajya Sabha member of Parliament and spokesman of Indian National Congress,
Abhishek Manu Singhvi, the Congress.

The government has introduced it and the parliamentary committee would look
into it 'This Committee has vacancy for six more MPs. In coming days, who
all are recruited from different political parties would be interesting.

Is there anyone in the Parliament and outside the Parliament to 

[humanrights-movement:4767] Anhad Press Meet Invite -Today 4 PM 22nd August 2011, At Press Club Azad Maidan Mumbai

2011-08-21 Thread ram puniyani
Anhad has Organized the Press Meet

Topic: Lokpal: An Alternative View

Time Venue: 4 PM, Monday, 22nd August 2011,
   Press Club Azad Maidan,
Speakers: Mahesh Bhatt, Shabnam Hashmi, Ram Puniyani, Dr. Anand Teltumde,
Kamayani Bali Mahabal, Amir Rizvi, Waqar Kazi,

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[humanrights-movement:4768] I'd rather not be Anna -Arundhati Roy

2011-08-21 Thread Ajay
 I'd rather not be AnnaArundhati Roy
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2379704.ece


While his means maybe Gandhian, his demands are certainly not.

If what we're watching on TV is indeed a revolution, then it has to be one
of the more embarrassing and unintelligible ones of recent times. For now,
whatever questions you may have about the Jan Lokpal Bill, here are the
answers you're likely to get: tick the box — (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat
Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind.

For completely different reasons, and in completely different ways, you
could say that the Maoists and the Jan Lokpal Bill have one thing in common
— they both seek the overthrow of the Indian State. One working from the
bottom up, by means of an armed struggle, waged by a largely adivasi army,
made up of the poorest of the poor. The other, from the top down, by means
of a bloodless Gandhian coup, led by a freshly minted saint, and an army of
largely urban, and certainly better off people. (In this one, the Government
collaborates by doing everything it possibly can to overthrow itself.)

In April 2011, a few days into Anna Hazare's first “fast unto death,”
searching for some way of distracting attention from the massive corruption
scams which had battered its credibility, the Government invited Team Anna,
the brand name chosen by this “civil society” group, to be part of a joint
drafting committee for a new anti-corruption law. A few months down the line
it abandoned that effort and tabled its own bill in Parliament, a bill so
flawed that it was impossible to take seriously.

Then, on August 16th, the morning of his second “fast unto death,” before he
had begun his fast or committed any legal offence, Anna Hazare was arrested
and jailed. The struggle for the implementation of the Jan Lokpal Bill now
coalesced into a struggle for the right to protest, the struggle for
democracy itself. Within hours of this ‘Second Freedom Struggle,' Anna was
released. Cannily, he refused to leave prison, but remained in Tihar jail as
an honoured guest, where he began a fast, demanding the right to fast in a
public place. For three days, while crowds and television vans gathered
outside, members of Team Anna whizzed in and out of the high security
prison, carrying out his video messages, to be broadcast on national TV on
all channels. (Which other person would be granted this luxury?) Meanwhile
250 employees of the Municipal Commission of Delhi, 15 trucks, and six earth
movers worked around the clock to ready the slushy Ramlila grounds for the
grand weekend spectacle. Now, waited upon hand and foot, watched over by
chanting crowds and crane-mounted cameras, attended to by India's most
expensive doctors, the third phase of Anna's fast to the death has begun.
“From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, India is One,” the TV anchors tell us.

While his means may be Gandhian, Anna Hazare's demands are certainly not.
Contrary to Gandhiji's ideas about the decentralisation of power, the Jan
Lokpal Bill is a draconian, anti-corruption law, in which a panel of
carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands
of employees, with the power to police everybody from the Prime Minister,
the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all of the bureaucracy, down to
the lowest government official. The Lokpal will have the powers of
investigation, surveillance, and prosecution. Except for the fact that it
won't have its own prisons, it will function as an independent
administration, meant to counter the bloated, unaccountable, corrupt one
that we already have. Two oligarchies, instead of just one.

Whether it works or not depends on how we view corruption. Is corruption
just a matter of legality, of financial irregularity and bribery, or is it
the currency of a social transaction in an egregiously unequal society, in
which power continues to be concentrated in the hands of a smaller and
smaller minority? Imagine, for example, a city of shopping malls, on whose
streets hawking has been banned. A hawker pays the local beat cop and the
man from the municipality a small bribe to break the law and sell her wares
to those who cannot afford the prices in the malls. Is that such a terrible
thing? In future will she have to pay the Lokpal representative too? Does
the solution to the problems faced by ordinary people lie in addressing the
structural inequality, or in creating yet another power structure that
people will have to defer to?

Meanwhile the props and the choreography, the aggressive nationalism and
flag waving of Anna's Revolution are all borrowed, from the anti-reservation
protests, the world-cup victory parade, and the celebration of the nuclear
tests. They signal to us that if we do not support The Fast, we are not
‘true Indians.' The 24-hour channels have decided that there is no other
news in the country worth reporting.

‘The Fast' of course doesn't mean Irom Sharmila's fast that has lasted for
more than ten years