[humanrights-movement:4825] Dr. Udit Raj on the Anna Hazare Movement

[Yogi Sikand]

 On the Lok Pal Bill and the Anna Hazare Movement
By Dr. Udit Raj

  No doubt there is rampant corruption and price rise. But the
fight against it should not undermine the Constitution made by Dr. Ambedkar.
There should not be an attempt to make super govt. over the elected govt.
Activism of media and anger and frustration of middle class are the strength
of Anna and his team. Among all top leaders like Anna Hazare, Kiran Bedi,
Arvind Kejriwal, Swami Agnivesh, Manish Sisodia, PV Rajgopal, Shanti
Bhushan, Prashant Bhushan,  there is no one from dalit, backward and
minority communities. On this, they will say that they don't believe in
caste system. Then there can’t be better happening  than this that the
country is free from this horrendous evil, which is hundred times worse for
the people and their nation than corruption. It is being propagated that
nation is with this civil society group, how it is possible that out of
nearly 85% population, i.e., dalits and OBCs, there is none able to be in
their company and there are no honest people in them. Amidst this loud and
emotional atmosphere, most of the upper castes will despise us that we are
diluting the movement along caste lines. There is murmuring among these
people that this movement is latently against reservation and other
interests.

  Dr Ambedkar said in the Parliament on 29th November, 1949 that Fast
and Satygrah are dangerous to the democracy which is now proving to be
correct. Anna Team’s demands are extra constitutional and undemocratic.
There is very delicate and fine balance amongst the three organs of the
govt., namely, executive, legislature and judiciary and the way the Jan
Lokpal Bill is worded it will destroy this balance. Lokpal, who is not
elected by the people, is more likely to be whimsical, corrupt, casteist and
partial.  Because of emotion and also on account of caste factor, supporters
are not understanding the entire gamut of truth. Disbelief in democracy is
nothing other than autocracy, monarchy and anarchy. If the nation is  with
them as being campaigned, then what is the problem? They should wait and let
elections come, either Anna’s team or those whom they bless will come into
Parliament and then it will be very easy to pass this bill. Why the
protagonists of Jan Lokpal Bill did not include NGOs, Media, Corporate
Houses as well as violation of dalit rights as an act of corruption.
Currently, the corporate houses are the main source of funding of black
money to the politicians and if left out of the Lokpal, corruption can’t be
plugged. Big businessmen are so influential that they don't even care for
members of Parliament, senior bureaucrats and ministers.

  Will the Lokpal come from heaven or be imported and in any case he
will be from  the very same society. What is the guarantee that he will not
be corrupted  and chances are more for him to go more irresponsible and
corrupt as he will not be  afraid of seeking mandate from people in future.
Though there is provision to remove him through the Supreme Court, but what
is the guarantee that they will not collude. They are more likely to be
managed by the forces like Pak ISI and CIA because their number would be
very few and it is next to impossible to manage the majority of members of
Parliament. They can be corrupted by money  or by wine and women. The
conspiracy can be hatched to initiate proceedings  against Prime Minister or
any one  on subjective basis also. There is no provision of  reservation for
Dalits, Backwards and Minorities in the Jan Lokpal Bill. Anna Hazare does
not understand properly that the monetary corruption can not  be fought till
there is fight against mental one. In fact, the  corruption is more of the
nature of social  than political. The way the Lokpal Bill contains the
provision and if it comes in to existence, there will be chaos and will
enable foreign forces to destabilise the nation. Given the opportunity ,
most of us are corrupt. For example those who are in teaching line are
considered to be honest and police, revenue, PWD etc. are considered to be
corrupt but if the teaching personnel are transferred to these departments,
they will also become corrupt and  vice versa. Backwards, dalits and
minorities are  perturbed  and dalits rather more because they are afraid
that in future Anna hazare - like people can ask govt. to do away with
reservation under threat to commit suicide or fast till death. Dalits are
asking that what is the view of Anna Hazare on the issue of reservation for
dalits in private sector, and so far he has not expressed his views and that
is why they are away from this movement. When North Indians were attacked in
Maharashtra ,where was he? He has also so far not criticized the Modi Govt.
in Gujarat for the atrocities on the Muslims in 2002. Anna Hazare himself
should render an account of the expenses incurred on his movement and the
sources thereof. Though the current scenario is not acceptable but with  Jan
L

[humanrights-movement:4823] Ambedkar's way & Anna Hazare's methods

[Ajay]

Ambedkar's way & Anna Hazare's methods

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2384849.ece?homepage=true


Following Dr. Ambedkar's example, Team Anna should use constitutional
methods and enhance people's faith in them. Otherwise it will convey the
message that only coercive and unconstitutional methods work.

A group of people, with placards showing Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, staged a
demonstration in Delhi a few days ago against Anna Hazare's proposals on the
Lokpal and the methods used by his team. More often than not, Dalits look
with suspicion on any attempt to tamper with the Constitution. Team Anna
has, however, suggested that its Lokpal bill would benefit Dalits more than
anyone else. This led me to look at Dr. Ambedkar's position as compared to
the mode of agitation being deployed by Anna Hazare and his team.

In his last, visionary speech after the submission of the drafted
Constitution on November 25, 1949, Dr. Ambedkar warned of three possible
dangers to the new-born democracy. These related to social and economic
inequalities, the use of unconstitutional methods, and hero-worship.

Dr. Ambedkar first pointed to the contradiction between equality in politics
in the form of one-person-one-vote and the inequalities in social and
economic life. He argued that for political democracy to succeed, it needed
to be founded on the tissues and fibres of social and economic equality. He
warned that we must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible
moment, or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure
of political democracy. Although we in India are trying hard to reduce the
vast inequalities that exist, the working of political democracy is already
under heavy stress due to discontent in some parts of country.

Dr. Ambedkar's second, and more important, warning in the present context
related to the methods to achieve social and economic objectives. He urged
the people to abandon bloody as well as coercive methods to bring about
change. This means abandoning methods of civil disobedience,
non-cooperation, coercive forms of satyagraha and fast. Referring to the use
of these methods during the British period, Dr. Ambedkar observed: “When
there was no way left for the constitutional methods for achieving economic
and social objectives, there was a great deal of justification for
unconstitutional methods.” But using them since that period, in his view,
was “nothing less than the Grammar of Anarchy.” He advocated that “the
sooner they are abandoned, the better for us as a nation.”

Dr. Ambedkar's third warning related to “hero worship.” He was immensely
concerned over the political culture of “laying down the liberties at the
feet of great men or to trust them with powers which enable them to subvert
their institutions.” He believed that there is nothing wrong in being
grateful to great men who have rendered life-long services to the country.
But there are limits to gratefulness. No man can be grateful at the cost of
his honour, and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its liberty. This
caution is far more necessary in the case of the people of India than in the
case of any other country, for in India, *bhakti*, or what may be called the
path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in politics, unequalled in
magnitude to the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the
world, argued Dr. Ambedkar. He went on to add that *bhakti* or hero-worship
in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul, but in politics, *
bhakti* or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual
dictatorship.

These views of Dr. Ambedkar also evolved through a much deeper commitment to
constitutional methods and their use in the anti-untouchability movement
during the 1920s and the 1930s. The 1920s and the 1930s saw a series of
agitations led by Dr. Ambedkar to get public wells, tanks and Hindu temples
opened to “untouchables.” In the present context, recalling two such
incidents is very relevant, namely, the agitation for access to a water tank
in Mahad, and for entry into the famous Kalaram temple in Nasik. In both
cases, Dr. Ambedkar was up against violent high-caste Hindus, with the
British sitting on the fence.

Dr. Ambedkar started the Mahad agitation in 1927, but the “untouchables” got
access to the tank only in 1937 through a court order. The people of the
high castes had managed a court order to ban the entry of “untouchables”
into the tank on the grounds that it was a private tank. Dr. Ambedkar
accepted the court order and discontinued a second march to the tank. But he
fought through the courts and got justice in 1937, almost after 10 years. He
did this using legal instruments and a peaceful mass movement, without the
coercive means of fasts and hunger strikes.

Similarly, the agitation for entry into the Kalaram temple went on for four
years, from 1930 to 1934. He discontinued the agitation in 1934 following
opposition by priests, notwithstanding the support ext

[humanrights-movement:4822] The sarkari untruth of the huge unwieldy , costly Lok Pal & Lok Ayukt apparatus

[Ajay]

An argument is being proposed that the Lok Pal & Lok Ayukts will need
a huge army of people & a big expense . More than 25,000 bureaucrats
will be needed to police the over one crore plus state &  central
bureaucrats & it will be a very burden   on the exchequer .  Is an
absolutely  false pretext for two reasons , firstly  the expenditure
per year on the anti corruption watchdog  will be a few thousand
crores only @ generous rate of Rs 50,000 per employee per month
including support systems , we get a monthly expenditure of Rs. 125 cr
a pittance in comparison to the amount of corruption it will control &
the recoveries made from the corrupt .  We have seen  1.75 lac crores
looted in case of 2G, thousands of crores in GWG scam . All ministries
have  their own permanent  running scams & new scams are added at
every new opportunity in the name of "policy" . Regular scams running
in to thousands of crores annually :  defense deals,  grains wastage ,
PDS scams , kerosene siphoning , medicines siphoning , felling of
forests , mining leases , land allotments to builders , export of good
quality PDS  grain , the siphoning off of municipal funds etc.The Lok
Pal & Lok Ayukt will not only pay for themselves  , they will also
fill  coffers of government by stopping corruption &  recovery from
corrupt to such unprecedented levels that   the current budget deficit
of 3.7 lac crores will almost disappear .  The anti corruption
watchdog  will not only reduce inflation by reducing the budget
deficit & leave many a thousands of crores  on the table for the under
funded schemes like poverty & hunger elevation & universal
education .

Rgds,

Ajay S Hooda

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[humanrights-movement:4821] Level of Naxal Violence Declines this Year

[Kamayani]

FYI

Level of Naxal Violence Declines this Year

The level of Naxal violence and attack on security forces have
declined this year. The year 2011 (up to August 15) has recorded 1128
incidents of naxal violence and killing of 93 security personnel
compared to 1429 incidents of violence and killing of 218 security
personnel during the corresponding period of 2010.

No operation codenamed ‘Operation Greenhorn’ has been launched by
Government of India. However, anti-naxal operations are carried out by
the security forces in the Naxal affected states on a continuous
basis. At present, 71 Battalions of Central Armed Police Forces, 01
Nagaland India Reserve Battalion and 09 Commando Battalion for
Resolute Action(CoBRA) have been deployed in Naxal affected states to
assist state forces in anti-Naxal operations. Drones are not likely to
be deployed in anti-Maoist operations.

This was stated by the Minister of State in the Ministry of Home
Affairs, Shri Jintendra Singh in written reply to a question in the
Lok Sabha today.

http://pib.nic. in/newsite/ erelease. aspx?relid=
74906

-- 
Adv Kamayani Bali Mahabal
+919820749204
skype-lawyercumactivist
*
*
*The UID project i**s going to do almost exactly the same thing which the
predecessors of Hitler did, else how is it that Germany always had the lists

of Jewish names even prior to the arrival of the Nazis? The Nazis got these
lists with the help of IBM which was in the 'census' business that included
racial census that entailed not only count the Jews but also identifying
them. At the United States Holocaust Museum in Washington, DC, there is an
exhibit of an IBM Hollerith D-11 card sorting machine that was responsible
for organising the census of 1933 that first identified the Jews.*
*
*
*http://saynotoaadhaar.blogspot.com/*
*http://aadhararticles.blogspot.com/*
*http://www.facebook.com/home.php?sk=group_162987527061902&ap=1*<
http://www.facebook.com/home.php?sk=group_162987527061902&ap=1>

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[humanrights-movement:4820] final version of joint statement on Anna Hazare protest

[kiran shaheen]

Some of us have  issued this public/press statement. Please cover/talk/make
a critique out of it.
In Solidarity
Kiran Shaheen
098180 65092



A Great Opportunity, A Serious Danger

*The Anna Hazare situation invites two common reactions: many dismiss it as
a middle class driven "urban picnic"; and others, notably the mainstream
media, describe it as just short of a revolutionary movement to establish
"people's power."* The same divide exists among progressives and those
concerned with social change. Strategies differ on the basis of where one
stands on this divide. *The problem, however, is that neither of these
reactions fully reflects the reality of what is happening.*

We note that our position below is focused on what can be done in this
situation, and is not meant to excuse or defend the government. We condemn
the brutal, corrupt and anti-democratic actions of the UPA; we also, it must
be noted, condemn the actions of the BJP and its State governments in trying
to portray themselves as crusaders against corruption. The dangerous Lokpal
Bill that has been presented must be withdrawn, and, as said below, a
process initiated for effective institutions of people's control that can be
used to defeat corruption. We issue this statement precisely to caution
against erroneous tactics that are strengthening the very state that we must
fight against.

The Opportunity
It is true that the protests so far have been dominated by middle classes,
and that they have been exaggerated by the media. But this does not mean
that this process becomes meaningless. *Precisely because there is no strong
organised movement among the working class at the national level, no
alternative media, and no consciously projected alternative to the existing
system, a hyped up middle class movement can easily grow into something much
larger.* We can already see that happening, as protests are spreading and
diversifying in terms of their mass base. People's anger at this system and
at the corrupt nature of the Indian state is hardly a middle class
phenomenon alone.

For that reason, we cannot and should not dismiss this situation. The more
people are willing to see this system for what it is, and to express their
anger and disgust with it, the more there is an opportunity to expose it and
fight for something new. A crisis is an opportunity for those who are
fighting for change.

*Therefore we cannot agree with those who look at these protests and hunger
strikes and see in them a "blackmailing" of Parliament. Parliamentary
democracy in this country has never been more than a very limited space.
Even this space has been rendered meaningless in recent decades, by
precisely the forces who today are shouting about its virtues.*

For instance, the SEZ Act was passed after barely a day's debate in
Parliament. Economic reforms were introduced through stealth, FDI in retail
is on the verge of being approved, and the UID project is going ahead - all
without a whisper of Parliamentary approval. It is correct to be cynical of
neoliberal pro-corporate leaders when they suddenly discover that Parliament
is a sacrosanct institution. *When people feel that the system is rotten to
the core, we should not attempt to dilute that reality by saying that
Parliament will deal with the problem.*

The danger is not to Parliament; it lies elsewhere.

The Danger
The fact that people are angry is an opportunity. But it is also a risk,
because that anger can be channeled in ways that actually strengthen the
existing power structure. In this case, consider:

   - The message being conveyed about these protests - the tactics of the
   leadership notwithstanding - is that of support to Anna Hazare and his "Team
   Anna." Beyond the concept of "transparency", the public campaign does not
   engage at all with the idea of a democratic organisation of the people (as
   opposed to one "*supported*" by the people). As such, this raises the
   question of whether those participating are being asked to fight to build
   people's power, or whether they are fighting to increase the power of the
   "good leader."
   - The demand of the campaign too is not about, even in a minimal sense,
   democratising the Indian state or society. The Jan Lokpal being sought may
   address some types of corruption, or it may not do so; but it is not
   intended to give people any greater control over the state. It is projected
   as effective not because it will be democratic, but because it will be
   powerful, because it will stand "above" democracy and politics itself. Just
   as Anna is a good person who deserves support, so the Jan Lokpal will
   consist of good people who deserve power, and who will use it to "cleanse"
   the state.
   - Most of those joining these protests are doing so on the basis of media
   coverage. In practically all areas (with one or two exceptions) the
   mobilisation lacks any core organisation. At most there are ad hoc groups of
   urban elites; but in large measu

[humanrights-movement:4819] Fwd: IS IT THE BEGINING OF THE END OF VEDANTA (Dur.10.07)

[Kamayani]

-- Forwarded message --
From: MAHAMMAD ASHLAM 
Date: Thu, Aug 25, 2011 at 7:42 PM
Subject: IS IT THE BEGINING OF THE END OF VEDANTA (Dur.10.07)

The brazen violations of the law of the land by Vedanta's Lanjigarh refinery
are being exposed one by one. After the MoEF cancelled environmental
clearance for mining on Niyamgiri and the proposal for expansion, the Orissa
High Court has recently come down heavily on Vedanta on the same issues. The
Central Pollution Control Board also seems to be questioning the plant's
utter disregard for laws. One the other hand, the fight put up by local
adivasis to save their mountains, forests, and livelihoods is intensifying
by the day... All these indicate an imminent end to Vedanta's fictitious
'Mining Happiness'. --- An exclusive report by KBK Samachar.
link-http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O0SE-jvraO0



-- 
Adv Kamayani Bali Mahabal
+919820749204
skype-lawyercumactivist
*
*
*The UID project i**s going to do almost exactly the same thing which the
predecessors of Hitler did, else how is it that Germany always had the lists

of Jewish names even prior to the arrival of the Nazis? The Nazis got these
lists with the help of IBM which was in the 'census' business that included
racial census that entailed not only count the Jews but also identifying
them. At the United States Holocaust Museum in Washington, DC, there is an
exhibit of an IBM Hollerith D-11 card sorting machine that was responsible
for organising the census of 1933 that first identified the Jews.*
*
*
*http://saynotoaadhaar.blogspot.com/*
*http://aadhararticles.blogspot.com/*
*http://www.facebook.com/home.php?sk=group_162987527061902&ap=1*<
http://www.facebook.com/home.php?sk=group_162987527061902&ap=1>

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[humanrights-movement:4818] Debate on Anti Corruption Movement

[ram puniyani]

Invitation for Public Meeting



‘The Movement against Corruption’ initiated by Anna Hazare is receiving
unprecedented support from  Indians not only from the country but worldwide
.People irrespective of their caste ,creed ,socioeconomic status and
religion are extending their voluntary support to the movement .Harassed by
the existing corruption the masses see a ray of hope of Corruption Free
India through Anna . Although the masses are supporting ‘Team Anna’ there
are distinct voices showing opposition and concerns over the movement .Few
activists and thinkers have voiced serious concerns over this drive as being
Non Parliamentary and non-constitutional .These differences of opinion have
triggered confusion in the minds of a socially alert and intelligent citizen
who’s closely following this ‘Crusade against Corruption.’ In an attempt to
get people having different schools of thought on a common platform we have
arranged a Panel Discussion of eminent personalities and activists from
various fields .Our aim is to create insight and to broaden the common man’s
outlook towards this agitation .

*TOPIC:* What will Anna’s agitation achieve?

*PANELISTS*:

1. Dr Ram Punyani : Ex-Professor IIT-Powai. A renowned writer with
revolutionary and progressive thoughts and also an eminent social activist.

2. Advocate M.P.Vashi: Senior Advocate and social activist.

3. Mr Gajanan Khatu: Rational thinker, writer and activist.

4. Mr Yuvraj Mohite: Journalist and ex-Editor of ‘Mahanagar’.

*VENUE*:

Keshavgore Smarak Trust,

Aarey  Road,

Goregaon (West)

Mumbai.

*DATE*: Sunday 28th August 2011.

*TIME*: 9.30 am to 1.00 pm

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[humanrights-movement:4817] Office of janlokpal bill

[Kamayani]

The office of the Jan Lokpal and some thoughts on Nivedita Menon’s post :
Guest Post by Anish Ahluwalia
AUGUST 25, 2011
tags: Anna Hazare , Jan
Lokpal
, Nivedita Amin 
by Shuddhabrata Sengupta

*The Jan Lokpal*

A problem lies at the very core of Anna Hazare’s anti corruption campaign.
This campaign wishes to march ahead by defining ‘corruption’ in the
narrowest possible sense. Monies illegally made by politicians, members of
judiciary, babus while remaining dreadfully silent on corporations, upper
middle classes, middle classes who form the bulk of bribe payers…  It also
remains mum on SEZ policies, policies that made agriculture an unprofitable
business for millions of small farmers, displacement of tribal, abysmally
inadequate budgetary allocations for education and health while writing off
thousands of crores as non-returnable duties to corporates. Who are the
beneficiaries of these policy decisions? Only corporations or does the
profit filters down to middle classes as well, in terms of relatively higher
salaries and perks? Is this not corruption? Every government and political
party has happily sat on police reforms recommendations put forth by at
least two state formed committees.

These police reforms recommended freeing police and investigating agencies
from the direct control of ruling politicians – was also aimed at the extra
judicial actions of the police force. Is this not corruption? And more
importantly, *can any of the Lokpal bill versions address these? *If not,
then aren’t we proceeding with the cure without diagnosing the nature or
location of the problem? An oversimplified idea stripped of complexities is
in effect misrepresentation of the same and in essence falsehood.  The idea
of a Jan Lokpal is built on utter contempt for the peoples ability to choose
their representative and reluctance to reform existing institutions because
it’s a long-term exercise.  How many times we have heard people in cities
pointing towards rural India for electing corrupt politicians because of
their alleged ignorance, lack of education and caste based priorities? By
riding on the Jan Lokpal idea we are only legitimizing this contempt for
people’s discretion and democratic rights to decide for themselves.

Let me also ask here how do we understand ‘middle class’? Is it just a fluid
economic group or a value system, relatively more conscious of its interests
and conveniently unaware of its conflict of interest with lower economic
classes? Isn’t it the class that has benefitted a lot more than the urban
and rural poor, through government investments in technology, health,
education, infrastructure, free market, easier global access? Whatever was
left out of the 8% growth dream by corporations and the rich, was mostly
pocketed by this class… It’s the unethical short sightedness that has
prevented it from identifying its interests with other classes, which is
again being reflected in the demand for a Jan Lokpal and chipping away from
democratic institutions that are crying for reform and not for dismantling.
Hence the critique and suspicion towards the methods of this class…

*Vis a vis, Nivedita Menon’s post*

Nivedita, it seem has ignored ‘how’ this campaign came to be dubbed as
‘revolution’… I suppose that one has forgotten that a revolution means a
change in almost all walks of life of people across the nation… so is Anna
Hazare’s ‘movement’ a revolution? I disagree. One cannot ignore the
possibility that sometimes large number of people can move from one
misconception to another without bothering to examine its long term
consequences. And 24X7 high money spinning TV news channels are not going to
offer that space to reflect either. If numbers alone were to provide
legitimacy then Mahinder Singh Tikait could get in much larger crowds with
much compelling demands… except that it wont appear as carnivalesque to
residents of the capital.  Nivedita Menon seems so drawn by the mass mela at
Ramlila, that she chooses to forget that Hitler could gather bigger crowds
for his vision, Stalin did not lag behind either, Subhash Chandra Bose
despite aligning with the Nazis and the Japanese Emperor could still raise a
large army and much larger support base to pursue what he thought was the
right method. He still is a hero for many. Ayatollah Khomeini’s movement too
had corruption as a major plank. Even General Zia Ul Haq and Pervaiz
Musharraf could boast the support of a sizeable minority, and a fairly large
number of people in Pakistan disillusioned by the political classes thought
rule of the army was the answer to their woes. One need not be a genius to
see the fall-out of these shortsighted methods. A Jan Lokpal type
institution, which is primarily touted as a solution to a very narrow
spectrum of corruption, will do more to wreck democratic institutions and
legitimize the perception of the urban elite that ma

[humanrights-movement:4816] An open letter on the ‘Harud’ literary festival

[Kamayani]

An open letter on the ‘Harud’ literary festival
AUGUST 25, 2011
tags: Freedom of Expression in
Kashmir
, Harud Literature Festival
,Kashmir , Kashmir human
rights
by Shivam Vij

*Given below is an open letter signed by fourteen of us. Should you want to
add your name to it, please do so in the comments section of this post. I
shall update the names of the signatories on the post itself.*

A literary festival, by definition, is an event that celebrates the free
flow of ideas and opinions. It not only assumes a freedom from fear. It
demands a certain independence of mind and spirit. To hold it in a context
where some basic fundamental rights are markedly absent, indeed, denied to
the population, is to commit a travesty. In fact, as literary and artistic
festivals held elsewhere, Israel and Sri Lanka for example, show, such
events are sometimes used to falsely assert the existence of basic freedoms,
even as they are denied to larger sections of the population.

In Kashmir, with its history of intense repression and brutality, markedly
so in the last two decades, a context where deaths in custody, torture,
rape, disappearances, curbs and assaults on the press and human rights
activists are rife, where thousands of teenagers and even pre-teens have
recently been arrested, slapped with FIRs and draconian laws, where infamous
laws like the PSA and AFSPA are fully operational, indeed, are the operative
principles, where dissent and the expression of political realities is
sought to be curbed by brute force, holding such a festival raises those
core issues about basic ideals and freedoms.

Our concerns are also heightened by reports that the festival is sought to
be denoted as being an
‘apolitical’
event, that, yet, people will be free to speak what they want and that no
one has the right to deny Kashmiris a chance to listen to writers. Beyond
the absurdity of asserting that art and literature has nothing to do with
politics, our issue is precisely that people are not allowed to speak their
minds in Kashmir. Indeed, that a political reality is denied, even
criminalised, in the state. The argument about freedom to speak and listen,
thus, is disingenuous precisely because no such freedoms exist in Kashmir.
Even the proposed venues, apart from being well-known for their linkages
with the repressive state, highlight that fact.

What is the efficacy of having a part of the event in Kashmir University,
when that most basic of rights, that of forming a student union, is denied
to the students? Can there be discussions on ‘militarisation’ and ‘Azadi’,
core issues in Kashmir, just as there have been discussions in the Jaipur
festival on Kashmir and Maoism? Even if such discussions were to be held,
would that not be in a bubble, a miasma of freedom, while even the right to
life and dignity is being violated outside on the streets?

We fear, therefore, that holding such a festival would, willy-nilly,
dovetail with the state’s concerted attempt to portray that all is normal in
Kashmir. Even as the reality on the ground is one of utter abnormality and a
state of acute militarisation and suppression of dissent, rights and
freedoms.

We would firmly support the idea of a literary/artistic festival in Kashmir
if we were convinced that its organising was wholly free from state
interference and designs, and was not meant to give legitimacy to a brutal,
repressive regime.

This letter is an attempt to state our position and to urge the festival
participants to ponder some of these issues and concerns.

*Signed:*

   1. Basharat Peer (Author and Journalist)
   2. Mirza Waheed (Author and Journalist)
   3. Najeeb Mubarki (Journalist)
   4. Insha Malik (Research Scholar)
   5. Sanjay Kak (Documentary Filmmaker and Writer)
   6. Gautam Navlakha (Rights Activist and Writer)
   7. Anjum Zamrud Habib (Author and Social Activist)
   8. Mohammad Junaid (Research Scholar)
   9. Parvaiz Bukhari (Journalist)
   10. Hilal Mir (Journalist)
   11. Arif Ayaz Parrey (Lawyer and Writer)
   12. Suvaid Yaseen (Research Scholar)
   13. Shivam Vij (Journalist)
   14. Arshad Mushtaq (Theater Artist)


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-- 
Adv Kamayani Bali Mahabal
+919820749204
skype-lawyercumactivist
*
*
*The UID project i**s going to do almost exactly the same thing which the
predecessors of Hitler did, else how is it that Germany always had the lists

of Jewish names even prior to the arrival of the Nazis? The Nazis got these
lists with the help of IBM which was in the 'census' business that included
racial census that entailed not only count the Jews but also identifying
them. At the United States Holocaust Museu