I'd rather not be AnnaArundhati Roy
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2379704.ece


While his means maybe Gandhian, his demands are certainly not.

If what we're watching on TV is indeed a revolution, then it has to be one
of the more embarrassing and unintelligible ones of recent times. For now,
whatever questions you may have about the Jan Lokpal Bill, here are the
answers you're likely to get: tick the box — (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat
Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind.

For completely different reasons, and in completely different ways, you
could say that the Maoists and the Jan Lokpal Bill have one thing in common
— they both seek the overthrow of the Indian State. One working from the
bottom up, by means of an armed struggle, waged by a largely adivasi army,
made up of the poorest of the poor. The other, from the top down, by means
of a bloodless Gandhian coup, led by a freshly minted saint, and an army of
largely urban, and certainly better off people. (In this one, the Government
collaborates by doing everything it possibly can to overthrow itself.)

In April 2011, a few days into Anna Hazare's first “fast unto death,”
searching for some way of distracting attention from the massive corruption
scams which had battered its credibility, the Government invited Team Anna,
the brand name chosen by this “civil society” group, to be part of a joint
drafting committee for a new anti-corruption law. A few months down the line
it abandoned that effort and tabled its own bill in Parliament, a bill so
flawed that it was impossible to take seriously.

Then, on August 16th, the morning of his second “fast unto death,” before he
had begun his fast or committed any legal offence, Anna Hazare was arrested
and jailed. The struggle for the implementation of the Jan Lokpal Bill now
coalesced into a struggle for the right to protest, the struggle for
democracy itself. Within hours of this ‘Second Freedom Struggle,' Anna was
released. Cannily, he refused to leave prison, but remained in Tihar jail as
an honoured guest, where he began a fast, demanding the right to fast in a
public place. For three days, while crowds and television vans gathered
outside, members of Team Anna whizzed in and out of the high security
prison, carrying out his video messages, to be broadcast on national TV on
all channels. (Which other person would be granted this luxury?) Meanwhile
250 employees of the Municipal Commission of Delhi, 15 trucks, and six earth
movers worked around the clock to ready the slushy Ramlila grounds for the
grand weekend spectacle. Now, waited upon hand and foot, watched over by
chanting crowds and crane-mounted cameras, attended to by India's most
expensive doctors, the third phase of Anna's fast to the death has begun.
“From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, India is One,” the TV anchors tell us.

While his means may be Gandhian, Anna Hazare's demands are certainly not.
Contrary to Gandhiji's ideas about the decentralisation of power, the Jan
Lokpal Bill is a draconian, anti-corruption law, in which a panel of
carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands
of employees, with the power to police everybody from the Prime Minister,
the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all of the bureaucracy, down to
the lowest government official. The Lokpal will have the powers of
investigation, surveillance, and prosecution. Except for the fact that it
won't have its own prisons, it will function as an independent
administration, meant to counter the bloated, unaccountable, corrupt one
that we already have. Two oligarchies, instead of just one.

Whether it works or not depends on how we view corruption. Is corruption
just a matter of legality, of financial irregularity and bribery, or is it
the currency of a social transaction in an egregiously unequal society, in
which power continues to be concentrated in the hands of a smaller and
smaller minority? Imagine, for example, a city of shopping malls, on whose
streets hawking has been banned. A hawker pays the local beat cop and the
man from the municipality a small bribe to break the law and sell her wares
to those who cannot afford the prices in the malls. Is that such a terrible
thing? In future will she have to pay the Lokpal representative too? Does
the solution to the problems faced by ordinary people lie in addressing the
structural inequality, or in creating yet another power structure that
people will have to defer to?

Meanwhile the props and the choreography, the aggressive nationalism and
flag waving of Anna's Revolution are all borrowed, from the anti-reservation
protests, the world-cup victory parade, and the celebration of the nuclear
tests. They signal to us that if we do not support The Fast, we are not
‘true Indians.' The 24-hour channels have decided that there is no other
news in the country worth reporting.

‘The Fast' of course doesn't mean Irom Sharmila's fast that has lasted for
more than ten years (she's being force fed now) against the AFSPA, which
allows soldiers in Manipur to kill merely on suspicion. It does not mean the
relay hunger fast that is going on right now by ten thousand villagers in
Koodankulam protesting against the nuclear power plant. ‘The People' does
not mean the Manipuris who support Irom Sharmila's fast. Nor does it mean
the thousands who are facing down armed policemen and mining mafias in
Jagatsinghpur, or Kalinganagar, or Niyamgiri, or Bastar, or Jaitapur. Nor do
we mean the victims of the Bhopal gas leak, or the people displaced by dams
in the Narmada Valley. Nor do we mean the farmers in NOIDA, or Pune or
Haryana or elsewhere in the country, resisting the takeover of the land.

‘The People' only means the audience that has gathered to watch the
spectacle of a 74-year-old man threatening to starve himself to death if his
Jan Lokpal Bill is not tabled and passed by Parliament. ‘The People' are the
tens of thousands who have been miraculously multiplied into millions by our
TV channels, like Christ multiplied the fishes and loaves to feed the
hungry. “A billion voices have spoken,” we're told. “India is Anna.”

Who is he really, this new saint, this Voice of the People? Oddly enough
we've heard him say nothing about things of urgent concern. Nothing about
the farmer's suicides in his neighbourhood, or about Operation Green Hunt
further away. Nothing about Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh, nothing about Posco,
about farmer's agitations or the blight of SEZs. He doesn't seem to have a
view about the Government's plans to deploy the Indian Army in the forests
of Central India.

He does however support Raj Thackeray's Marathi Manoos xenophobia and has
praised the ‘development model' of Gujarat's Chief Minister who oversaw the
2002 pogrom against Muslims. (Anna withdrew that statement after a public
outcry, but presumably not his admiration.)

Despite the din, sober journalists have gone about doing what journalists
do. We now have the back-story about Anna's old relationship with the RSS.
We have heard from Mukul Sharma who has studied Anna's village community in
Ralegan Siddhi, where there have been no Gram Panchayat or Co-operative
society elections in the last 25 years. We know about Anna's attitude to
‘harijans': “It was Mahatma Gandhi's vision that every village should have
one chamar, one sunar, one kumhar and so on. They should all do their work
according to their role and occupation, and in this way, a village will be
self-dependant. This is what we are practicing in Ralegan Siddhi.” Is it
surprising that members of Team Anna have also been associated with Youth
for Equality, the anti-reservation (pro-“merit”) movement? The campaign is
being handled by people who run a clutch of generously funded NGOs whose
donors include Coca-Cola and the Lehman Brothers. Kabir, run by Arvind
Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, key figures in Team Anna, has received $400,000
from the Ford Foundation in the last three years. Among contributors to the
India Against Corruption campaign there are Indian companies and foundations
that own aluminum plants, build ports and SEZs, and run Real Estate
businesses and are closely connected to politicians who run financial
empires that run into thousands of crores of rupees. Some of them are
currently being investigated for corruption and other crimes. Why are they
all so enthusiastic?

Remember the campaign for the Jan Lokpal Bill gathered steam around the same
time as embarrassing revelations by Wikileaks and a series of scams,
including the 2G spectrum scam, broke, in which major corporations, senior
journalists, and government ministers and politicians from the Congress as
well as the BJP seem to have colluded in various ways as hundreds of
thousands of crores of rupees were being siphoned off from the public
exchequer. For the first time in years, journalist-lobbyists were disgraced
and it seemed as if some major Captains of Corporate India could actually
end up in prison. Perfect timing for a people's anti-corruption agitation.
Or was it?

At a time when the State is withdrawing from its traditional duties and
Corporations and NGOs are taking over government functions (water supply,
electricity, transport, telecommunication, mining, health, education); at a
time when the terrifying power and reach of the corporate owned media is
trying to control the public imagination, one would think that these
institutions — the corporations, the media, and NGOs — would be included in
the jurisdiction of a Lokpal bill. Instead, the proposed bill leaves them
out completely.

Now, by shouting louder than everyone else, by pushing a campaign that is
hammering away at the theme of evil politicians and government corruption,
they have very cleverly let themselves off the hook. Worse, by demonising
only the Government they have built themselves a pulpit from which to call
for the further withdrawal of the State from the public sphere and for a
second round of reforms — more privatisation, more access to public
infrastructure and India's natural resources. It may not be long before
Corporate Corruption is made legal and renamed a Lobbying Fee.

Will the 830 million people living on Rs.20 a day really benefit from the
strengthening of a set of policies that is impoverishing them and driving
this country to civil war?

This awful crisis has been forged out of the utter failure of India's
representative democracy, in which the legislatures are made up of criminals
and millionaire politicians who have ceased to represent its people. In
which not a single democratic institution is accessible to ordinary people.
Do not be fooled by the flag waving. We're watching India being carved up in
war for suzerainty that is as deadly as any battle being waged by the
warlords of Afghanistan, only with much, much more at stake.
*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Ours is a battle not for wealth or for power.
 It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human
personality."
- Dr BR Ambedkar
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~*

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