[LAAMN] Support Salvadoran L.A. press conference tomorrow

[CISPES-LA]

 Please join the Salvadoran community, and their
solidarity folks, for a press conference tomorrow,
Tuesday, July 18, 2006 at 11:00 a.m. on the south
steps of City Hall near Main and First Streets..major
press conference denouncing the escalating human
rights violations and murders in El Salvador...

"So. Cal. Emergency Committee on Human Rights in El
Salvador"
Press Conference

Emergency in El Salvador: Rebirth of the Death Squads
For immediate Release, Contacts: 

English, Don White (323)556-1932
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Spanish, Mario Cuéllar (323)839-2455 [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Salvadoran and Angelino Communities will hold a press
conference to denounce Human Rights Violations in El
Salvador -- Emergency Response to Crisis

Where? South Stairs outside of Los Angeles City Hall
at Main and First Streets
When? Tuesday July 18, 2006 
Time? 11:30 a.m.

 Human rights violations during the civil war in El
Salvador forced more than two million people to leave
the country. More than a million Salvadorans have made
Los Angeles their home and are integrated in the daily
life of this great city. We are extremely concerned
about the rebirth of the Death Squads and the levels
of crime and violence that prevail in El Salvador,
making this country the most violent country in the
Americas. Crime is directly linked to government
economic and social policies which leave most
Salvadorans unable to feed their families and survive.
Just the first semester of 2006 saw 1,830 homicides.
Most Salvadorans left El Salvador because of the Death
Squad operations during the civil war in the 80’s. 
The escalating death squad attacks was reflected in a
dramatic way July 2:

Two weeks ago, on July 2, 2006, the Death Squads
tortured and killed Francisco and Juana Manzanares, in
Suchitoto, Cuscatlan. They were the parents of Maria
Manzanares, the famous feminine voice of Radio
"Venceremos" the official guerilla radio during the
civil war. 

Among other human rights violations, two students and
two police officers were killed during a student
protest in San Salvador on July 5, 2006. More than 30
students and 10 police officers were injured during
this protest, including a professor who was in a staff
meeting inside the National University when a bullet
hit him. The National University was entered in a
clear violation of its autonomy. The peace accords
that ended the civil war are in danger. As a community
who already lived a civil war, Death Squads,
repression and countless Human Right violations, we
demand that the Salvadoran government stop the rebirth
of the Death Squads and we demand the participation of
the United Nations in a solution for El Salvador.

We will call for a full investigation of the July 5
attack on a peaceful student demonstration so those
who intentionall provoked government violence can be
brought to justice.

 

Southern California Emergency Comittee 

For Human Rights in El Salvador

 Fr. Scott Santarosa, S.J. Dolores Mission --Bus
Riders' Union/Strategy Center --Homies Unidos--
International Action Center [IAC] Unitarian
Congregation Oscar Romero ---former State Sen. Tom
Hayden ---Comunidades Salvadorenas Por La Democracia
Participativa ---Cynthia Anderson Barker, National
Lawyers Guild* --- Mindanao Caucus of the Filipino
Community--- David Campbell, Steelworkers Union*
--TASSC International ---CISPES --- Veterans For Peace
--- Blase and Theresa Bonpane, Office of the Americas
[OOA]--- Coalition LA -- Rev. Paul Sawyer,
Unitarian-Universalist Church* -- Don White, United
Teachers/Los Angeles [UTLA]* --- Casa El Salvador --
Rev. David Farley, pastor, Echo Park United Methodist
Church* --- Circulos Para El Cambio en El Salvador --
Sister Patricia Krommer, Catholic Church* -- Circulo
Bolibariano, "Ezekiel Zamora" -- Stop Impunity Project
- 

News of Manzanare’s killing














CISPES
Committee In Solidarity With The People of El Salvador
8124 West 3rd Street  L.A. Ca. 90048
323-852-0721
Founded: 1980 - 25 Years of Solidarity

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[LAAMN] Fisk: The Massacre of Marwaheen, more

[Ed Pearl]

The great correspondent on the Middle East, Robert Fisk, lives in
Beirut.  As such his current reports are copious, invaluable, and
might, just might make it onto media with far greater outreach here
than progressive internet.  Meanwhile, we're lucky to have him, and
I encourage you to pass them on to your own lists.  He's honest
to a fault, with many, proven-accurate connections and acute
insights. Don't hesitate sending him to conflicted or opposing folks.

Ed
---

If Lebanese dislike Hizbollah, they hate Israelis

By Robert Fisk

07/16/06 "The Independent" -- -It will be called the massacre of Marwaheen.
All the civilians killed by the Israelis had been ordered to abandon their
homes in the border village by the Israelis themselves a few hours earlier.
Leave, they were told by loudspeaker; and leave they did, 20 of them in a
convoy of civilian cars. That's when the Israeli jets arrived to bomb them,
killing 20 Lebanese, at least nine of them children. The local fire brigade
could not put out the fires as they all burned alive in the inferno. Another
"terrorist" target had been eliminated.

Yesterday, the Israelis even produced more "terrorist" targets - petrol
stations in the Bekaa Valley all the way up to the frontier city of Hermel
in northern Lebanon and another series of bridges on one of the few escape
routes to Damascus, this time between Chtaura and the border village of
Masnaa. Lebanon, as usual, was paying the price for the Hizbollah-Israeli
conflict - as Hizbollah no doubt calculated they would when they crossed the
Israeli frontier on Wednesday and captured two Israeli soldiers close to
Marwaheen.

But who is really winning the war? Not Lebanon, you may say, with its more
than 90 civilian dead and its infrastructure steadily destroyed in hundreds
of Israeli air raids. But is Israel winning? Friday night's missile attack
on an Israeli warship off the coast of Lebanon suggests otherwise. Four
Israeli sailors were killed, two of them hurled into the sea when a
tele-guided Iranian-made missile smashed into their Hetz-class gunboat just
off Beirut at dusk. Those Lebanese who had endured the fire of Israeli
gunboats on the coastal highway over many years were elated. They may not
have liked Hizbollah - but they hated the Israelis.

Only now, however, is a truer picture emerging of the battle for southern
Lebanon and it is a fascinating, frightening tale. The original border
crossing, the capture of the two soldiers and the killing of three others
was planned, according to Hassan Nasrallah, the Hizbollah leader who escaped
assassination by the Israelis on Friday evening, more than five months ago.
And Friday's missile attack on the Israeli gunboat was not the last-minute
inspiration of a Hizbollah member who just happened to see the warship.

It now appears clear that the Hizbollah leadership - Nasrallah used to be
the organisation's military commander in southern Lebanon - thought
carefully through the effects of their border crossing, relying on the
cruelty of Israel's response to quell any criticism of their action within
Lebanon. They were right in their planning. The Israeli retaliation was even
crueller than some Hizbollah leaders imagined, and the Lebanese quickly
silenced all criticism of the guerrilla movement.

Hizbollah had presumed the Israelis would cross into Lebanon after the
capture of the two soldiers and they blew up the first Israeli Merkava tank
when it was only 35 feet inside the country. All four Israeli crewmen were
killed and the Israeli army moved no further forward. The long-range
Iranian-made missiles which later exploded on Haifa had been preceded only
a few weeks ago by a pilotless Hizbollah drone aircraft which surveyed
northern Israel and then returned to land in eastern Lebanon after taking
photographs during its flight. These pictures not only suggested a flight
path for Hizbollah's rockets to Haifa; they also identified Israel's
top-secret military air traffic control centre in Miron.

The next attack - concealed by Israel's censors - was directed at this
facility. Codenamed "Apollo", Israeli military scientists work deep inside
mountain caves and bunkers at Miron, guarded by watchtowers, guard-dogs and
barbed wire, watching all air traffic moving in and out of Beirut, Damascus,
Amman and other Arab cities. The mountain is surmounted by clusters of
antennae which Hizbollah quickly identified as a military tracking centre.
Before they fired rockets at Haifa, they therefore sent a cluster of
missiles towards Miron. The caves are untouchable but the targeting of such
a secret location by Hizbollah deeply shocked Israel's military planners.
The "centre of world terror" - or whatever they imagine Lebanon to be -
could not only breach their frontier and capture their soldiers but attack
the nerve-centre of the Israeli northern military command.

Then came the Haifa missiles and the attack on the gunboat. It is now clear
that this successful military operation - so contemp

[LAAMN] Frank Rich: From the Axis of Evil Gang, the Mexican Million Man Mobilization

[Ed Pearl]

http://select.nytimes.com/2006/07/16/opinion/16rich.html?pagewanted=1&th&emc=th

>From Those Wonderful Folks Who Gave You 'Axis of Evil'


By FRANK RICH
NY Times Op-Ed: July 16, 2006

AS American foreign policy lies in ruins from Pyongyang to Baghdad to
Beirut, its epitaph is already being written in Washington. Last week's Time
cover, "The End of Cowboy Diplomacy," lays out the conventional wisdom: the
Bush doctrine of pre-emptive war, upended by chaos in Iraq and the nuclear
intransigence of North Korea and Iran, is now officially kaput. In its
stead, a sadder but more patient White House, under the sway of Condi Rice,
is embracing the fine art of multilateral diplomacy and dumping the "bring
'em
on" gun-slinging that got the world into this jam.

The only flaw in this narrative - a big one - is that it understates the
administration's failure by assuming that President Bush actually had a
grand, if misguided, vision in the first place. Would that this were so. But
in truth this presidency never had a vision for the world. It instead had an
idée fixe about one country, Iraq, and in pursuit of that obsession
recklessly harnessed American power to gut-driven improvisation and P.R.
strategies, not doctrine. This has not changed, even now.

Only if we remember that the core values of this White House are marketing
and political expediency, not principle and substance, can we fully grasp
its past errors and, more important, decipher the endgame to come. The Bush
era has not been defined by big government or small government but by
virtual government. Its enduring shrine will be a hollow Department of
Homeland Security that finds more potential terrorist targets in Indiana
than in New York.

Like his father, George W. Bush always disdained the vision thing. He rode
into office on the heels of a boom, preaching minimalist ambitions
reminiscent of the 1920's boom Republicanism of Harding and Coolidge. Mr.
Bush's most fervent missions were to cut taxes, pass a placebo patients'
bill of rights and institute the education program he sold as No Child Left
Behind. His agenda was largely exhausted by the time of his fateful Crawford
vacation in August 2001, so he talked vaguely of immigration reform and
announced a stem-cell research "compromise." But he failed to seriously lead
on either issue, both of which remain subjects of toxic debate today. To
appear busy once he returned to Washington after Labor Day, he cooked up a
typically alliterative "program" called Communities of Character, a grab bag
of "values" initiatives inspired by polling data. That was forgotten after
the Qaeda attacks. But the day that changed everything didn't change the
fundamental character of the Bush presidency. The so-called doctrine of
pre-emption, a repackaging of the long-held Cheney-Rumsfeld post-cold-war
mantra of unilateralism, was just another gaudy float in the propaganda
parade ginned up to take America to war against a country that did not
attack us on 9/11. As the president's chief of staff then, Andrew Card,
famously said of the Iraq war just after Labor Day 2002, "From a marketing
point of view, you don't introduce new products in August." The Bush
doctrine was rolled out officially two weeks later, just days after the
administration's brass had fanned out en masse on the Sunday-morning talk
shows to warn that Saddam's smoking gun would soon come in the form of a
mushroom cloud.

The Bush doctrine was a doctrine in name only, a sales strategy contrived to
dress up the single mission of regime change in Iraq with philosophical
grandiosity worthy of F.D.R. There was never any serious intention of
militarily pre-empting either Iran or North Korea, whose nuclear ambitions
were as naked then as they are now, or of striking the countries that unlike
Iraq were major enablers of Islamic terrorism. Axis of Evil was merely a
clever brand name from the same sloganeering folks who gave us
"compassionate conservatism" and "a uniter, not a divider" - so clever that
the wife of a presidential speechwriter, David Frum, sent e-mails around
Washington boasting that her husband was the "Axis of Evil" author.
(Actually, only "axis" was his.)

Since then, the administration has fiddled in Iraq while Islamic radicalism
has burned brighter and the rest of the Axis of Evil, not to mention
Afghanistan and the Middle East, have grown into just the gathering threat
that Saddam was not. And there's still no policy. As Ivo Daalder of the
Brookings Institution writes on his foreign-affairs blog, Mr. Bush isn't
pursuing diplomacy in his post-cowboy phase so much as "a foreign policy of
empty gestures" consisting of "strong words here; a soothing telephone call
and hasty meetings there." The ambition is not to control events but "to
kick the proverbial can down the road - far enough so the next president can
deal with it." There is no plan for victory in Iraq, only a wish and a
prayer that the apocalypse won't arrive before Mr. Bush retires to his
ranch.

Bu

[LAAMN] Fwd: [SCFs] WHO OWNS THE FARM? by Lila Garrett

[Anna Kunkin]

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:  To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sat, 15 Jul 2006 14:03:08 -0700
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [SCFs] WHO OWNS THE FARM? by Lila Garrett

  WHO OWNS THE FARM? by Lila Garrett
  In Los Angeles, the 16 million dollar question is who owns the 14 acres in 
South Central Los Angeles, affectionately referred to as The Farm. Is it
  the City? Is it developer Ralph Horowitz? He certainly thinks so and
  before the courts had a chance to disagree he had a bulldozer come in last 
week and level a big patch of edible green into a mud hole. It was heart 
stopping. Aside from the legal issues, there are gnawing questions like, do you 
rip 350 people from their land which feeds their families, beautifies the area 
and provides blocks of clean air in the middle of industrial
  pollution? Someone paid for the land, true. But other people gave it
  life. So the question is, to whom does that land really belong?
  We found that question so compelling, six of us formed a committee and went 
to see Mr. Horowitz to ask him to reconsider. Our purpose had to do 
specifically with the spate of anti Semitism he said he had suffered from the 
Farmers. The farmers denied that any anti-Semetic remarks were made by any of 
their people. In fact they felt so bad about it they sent him a basket of 
fruits, vegetables and flowers as an apology for a crime they did not commit. 
Our committee’s first concern however was that this accusation of 
anti-Semitism, which was rumored by Horowitz himself, could have a ripple 
affect which would be bad not only for the Jews, but for the city. Any group 
can grab onto a hate movement, and use it as an organizing tool for its own 
agenda. It may have nothing to do with the original issue which is
  invariably forgotten. Nothing works to as an organizing tool like
  prejudice. Milosovich used to with the Serbs against the Croats. Hitler used 
it against the Jews. The Hutus used it against the Tutsies. You know how that 
goes.
  We sat down in Mr Horowitz comfortable office and introduced ourselves. Our 
all Jewish committee of six was clearly progressive, so Horowitz, also quickly 
identified himself as a conservative. He spoke bitterly about the farmers, 
although when pressed he could not come up with who called him an anti-Semitic 
name. When we asked if he had accepted the farmers’ apology he nodded, I 
thought reluctantly, but then added he wouldn’t sell them the land if they gave 
him a hundred million dollars. His bitterness was palpable. And we couldn’t 
really figure out the root cause of it until he suddenly burst out: "These 
immigrants, they come over here, they think they own the place"…And behold, 
immigrant bashing filled the room and we spent an uneasy hour being regaled 
with it.
  In the end of our attempt to stem the tide of violence and anger in our 
community, we realized that our meeting with Mr. Horowitz had fallen on deaf 
ears. He proudly announced that he was a hero to his conservative friends. When 
we asked if he was concerned about the ripple effect of his accusations
  of anti-Semitism, he said "No". As long as he was true to himself, that’s
  what mattered. Then he referred us to Councilwoman Jan Perry, and we suddenly 
got the impression that she’s the one who’s really running this show. Horowitz 
is the man in the middle. ‘Show me the money’ is all he really needed to say 
and we all could have saved a lot of time.
  Our little committee did contact Councilwoman Jan Perry, who agreed to have
  a meeting with us. Her agenda promises to be a lot more interesting. In
  the meantime, it felt good, as a person with no particular portfolio to help 
avoid violence in our city. It felt good not to leave it to the other guy. It 
felt good to decide to be on the side of the farmers, not just for their 
talent, courage and perseverance, but for their lack of violence. Yesterday was 
their first day in court. If they prevail the land will revert to the city and 
they’ll have a chance to restore their gardens. Maybe. Wherever it goes I’ve 
decided to go with it. I like people who hang tough for a good
  cause. I like to be one of those people. They may have leveled the land,
  but the farmers are still standing. Tall.
  It’s not over till it’s over. I’m Lila Garrett

___
Southcentralfarmers mailing list
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://adsl-66-121-186-226.dsl.lsan03.pacbell.net/mailman/listinfo/southcentralfarmers


  --

___
Southcentralfarmers mailing list
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://adsl-66-121-186-226.dsl.lsan03.pacbell.net/mailman/listinfo/southcentralfarmers


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[LAAMN] Fw: [Marxism] On Dusty Corner, Laborers Band Together for More Pay

[John A Imani]

- Original Message - 
From: Michael Hoover 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition ; pen-l@sus.csuchico.edu ; 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Saturday, July 15, 2006 4:51 AM
Subject: [Marxism] On Dusty Corner, Laborers Band Together for More Pay


July 14, 2006
On Dusty Corner, Laborers Band Together for More Pay
By STEVEN GREENHOUSE

AGOURA HILLS, Calif., July 12 — The black Lexus stopped just yards
from a large, shady oak tree, and eight copper-skinned Guatemalan men
rushed over.

For a minute, the woman in the car and the men haggled feverishly
before the Lexus drove off — without any day laborers to help with her
gardening.

The woman had offered to pay $10 an hour, not realizing what she had
stumbled into: the only day labor site in the nation that has set a
$15-an-hour minimum wage.

At a few dozen other sites across the country, day laborers have set
minimums, usually $8 or $10. But only at this corner in Agoura Hills,
a well-to-do town 40 miles northwest of Los Angeles, experts say, have
they been bold enough to insist on $15, nearly three times the federal
minimum wage. Some laborers who are particularly skilled at plumbing
or hanging drywall get $18 or more.

"There are always employers who look for cheap workers," said Virgilio
Vicente, 47, a Guatemala immigrant who spent the week framing walls
for a small contractor. "But we have an agreement, and no one is going
to go for less. We don't feel bad when someone drives away because we
know other clients will always come."

Their move is a risky experiment, reminiscent of crude unionization
efforts of a century ago. It is uncertain if laborers at other sites
will join the move to a $15 minimum or even whether the workers at
this corner, the intersection of Kanan and Agoura Roads, can make it
stick. When they raised their rates last month, the demand for their
services went down as some homeowners and contractors began seeking
workers at another corner five miles away.

Luis Cap, 32, a stocky Guatemalan immigrant who has been a mainstay of
the corner for 14 years, is not worried. "The employers complain, but
we explain that it is very expensive to live in this city," Mr. Cap
said. "We tell them: 'Gas is expensive. Rent is expensive. Insurance
is expensive. Everything is expensive.' "

The increase may have slowed business somewhat, but many workers are
still hired for four or five days each week. Others find work only two
or three days, but that is still lucrative enough to persuade some to
make the 80-minute bus trip from Los Angeles.

On Monday and Tuesday, about half the 50 laborers who showed up were
hired to paint, garden, dig swimming pools, lay foundations or hang
drywall. In the spring, regulars on the corner said, the percentage of
those hired is greater.

Abel Valenzuela Jr., a professor at the University of California, Los
Angeles, who did a nationwide study of day laborers, said it was not
surprising that the Agoura Hills workers were ahead of the pack.

"It's a unique site," Professor Valenzuela said. "It's one of the
older sites. It's remote. It has a sense of stability for employers.
These workers have high skill levels. They've gone through a lot.
They've been chased by helicopters. They are very disciplined."

The Agoura Hills site seems straight out of a Cézanne painting — a
dry, sun-beaten spot with a sharp-peaked mountain as a backdrop. In
summer, some men — mostly illegal immigrants — sit hour after hour
under the generous-limbed oaks.

In 1991, Agoura Hills became one of the first communities to prohibit
day laborers from soliciting work. Some residents complained of litter
and of day laborers sleeping on the mountain's slopes.

After a state court upheld the ban in 1994, the police began arresting
workers and fining them $275. Police helicopters chased those who
tried to escape up the mountain.

"I must have been arrested at least 20 times," Mr. Vicente said. "And
I paid thousands of dollars in fines."

The number of laborers, meanwhile, plunged to a hearty dozen from
around 100. After a federal judge, citing the First Amendment,
invalidated a Los Angeles ordinance restricting day laborers in 2000,
the police stopped enforcing this town's ban, and the number of day
laborers started to balloon again.

The laborers who stuck it out here have developed a strong sense of
community that is reflected in their slogan: "First, it's God. Then
it's our mother. Then it's this corner." Mr. Vicente called it "a
place that feeds us and feeds our families."

When the workers here decided last month to adopt the $15 minimum, up
from the $12.50 they set in 2003, the process resembled a New England
town meeting held in a dirt-covered Western lot.

On a Saturday morning, 100 men gathered, with several arguing that the
higher minimum would chase away employers. Others argued that laborers
who spoke only Spanish would be at a disadvantage. "Some workers who
don't speak good English were against $15," said Victor González, 20.
"It's har

[LAAMN] Fw: [Marxism] Michael Zinzun

[John A Imani]

- Original Message - 
From: John A Imani 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition 
Cc: Walter Lippmann 
Sent: Sunday, July 16, 2006 9:26 PM
Subject: Fw: [DopeXResistance-L.A.] Fw: [Marxism] Michael Zinzun

(Walter)


I passed on your fond comments to others here in LA.

I attended the services on Sat.  All who were there who wanted to speak about 
Micheal were able to do so.  Many were eloquent.  All were touched.  I spoke to 
someone after and inquired as to who was to replace him?  The comrade replied 
that no one could replace him but many could take his place.

Thanks,

Imani

- Original Message - 
From: John A Imani 
To: LAAMN ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; dorion hilliard ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Tuesday, July 11, 2006 12:32 PM
Subject: [DopeXResistance-L.A.] Fw: [Marxism] Michael Zinzun



- Original Message - 
From: Walter Lippmann 
To: 'Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition' 
Sent: Monday, July 10, 2006 7:29 PM
Subject: [Marxism] Michael Zinzun


So sorry to hear of the death of Michael Zinzun in Los Angeles.

Were I there, I'd attend his funeral. He was one who fought for
as long as I knew him, close to forty years, first of all against
police brutality, and as a member of the Black Panther Party. He
was also an internationalist, never limiting his thinking and his
actions to his own communities. I'm sure that the Los Angeles PD
and the Pasadena PD will rest easier in his absence. Unlike the
rest of us, of course, Micheal could be difficult and he could 
go on and on at times, but his committment was unfailing and 
there never was one moment when the side he was on was unclear.


Walter Lippmann
Havana, Cuba

PHOTO OF MICHEAL ZINZUN:


Michael_Zinzun

Michael Zinzun, a community organizer, is a former member of the
Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, a founding member of the
National Black United Front, co-founder of the Coalition Against
Police Abuse (CAPA), and a founding member of the
organization-Community in Support of the Gang Truce- that achieved a
truce between the Crips and the Bloods in Watts. He also a founding
member of the Police Watch and has supported the organization as a
board member, a community advisor and friend.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]





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