http://www.nytimes.com/1983/03/27/magazine/the-silent-power-of-the-nsa.html?partner=rss&emc=rss&pagewanted=all&pagewanted=print

March 27, 1983

THE SILENT POWER OF THE N.S.A.

By David Burnham

David Burnham is a reporter in The Times's Washington bureau. This
article is adapted from Mr. Burnham's book ''The Rise of the Computer
State,'' to be published by Random House in May.

A Federal Court of Appeals recently ruled that the largest and most
secretive intelligence agency of the United States, the National
Security Agency, may lawfully intercept the overseas communications of
Americans even if it has no reason to believe they are engaged in
illegal activities. The ruling, which also allows summaries of these
conversations to be sent to the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
significantly broadens the already generous authority of the N.S.A. to
keep track of American citizens.

The decision by the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth
Circuit involves the Government surveillance of Abdeen Jabara, a
Michigan-born lawyer who for many years has represented Arab-American
citizens and alien residents, and reverses a 1979 ruling that the
N.S.A.'s acquisition of Jabara's overseas messages violated his Fourth
Amendment right to be free of ''unreasonable searches and seizures.''
Even while refusing the plaintiff's request for reconsideration, the
Court curiously acknowledged the far-reaching nature of the case,
recognizing that the N.S.A.'s interception of overseas
telecommunications and their dissemination to ''other Federal agencies
has great potential for abuse.'' The Court, however, held that the
problem was ''a policy matter that lies in the domain of the executive
or legislative branch of our Government.''

The N.S.A. is much more than a massive computerized funnel that
collects, channels and sorts information for the President and such
organizations as the Central Intelligence Agency and F.B.I. The
National Security Agency, an arm of the Defense Department but under
the direct command of the Director of Central Intelligence, is an
electronic spying operation, and its leverage is based on a massive
bank of what are believed to be the largest and most advanced
computers now available to any bureaucracy in the world: computers to
break codes, direct spy satellites, intercept electronic messages,
recognize target words in spoken communications and store, organize
and index all of it.

Over the years, this virtually unknown Federal agency has repeatedly
sought to enlarge its power without consulting the civilian officials
who theoretically direct the Government, while it also has sought to
influence the operation and development of all civilian communications
networks. Indeed, under Vice Adm. Bobby Ray Inman, N.S.A. director
from 1977 to 1981, the agency received an enlarged Presidential
mandate to involve itself in communications issues, and successfully
persuaded private corporations and institutions to cooperate with it.

[...]

The power of the N.S.A., whose annual budget and staff are believed to
exceed those of either the F.B.I. or the C.I.A., is enhanced by its
unique legal status within the Federal Government. Unlike the
Agriculture Department, the Postal Service or even the C.I.A., the
N.S.A. has no specific Congressional law defining its responsibilities
and obligations. Instead, the agency, based at Fort George Meade,
about 20 miles northeast of Washington, has operated under a series of
Presidential directives. Because of Congress's failure to draft a law
for the agency, because of the tremendous secrecy surrounding the
N.S.A.'s work and because of the highly technical and thus thwarting
character of its equipment, the N.S.A. is free to define and pursue
its own goals.

Despite the impenetrable secrecy surrounding the agency - no public
briefings or access to its premises is allowed - its mission was first
discussed openly in the 1975 hearings of the Senate Select Committee
to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence
Activities. Various aspects of the agency's responsibilities also have
been touched upon in a handful of depositions filed by the agency in
Federal courts, several recent executive orders and a few aging
documents found in the towering stacks of the National Archives.

[...]

The Senate select committee's study of the N.S.A., one of the most
extensive independent examinations ever made of the agency, was
initiated in the wake of Watergate and the disclosure of other abuses
by Federal intelligence agencies. During the course of the
investigation, its chairman, Senator Frank Church, repeatedly
emphasized his belief that the N.S.A.'s intelligence-gathering
activities were essential to the nation's security. He also stressed
that the equipment used to watch the Russians could just as easily
''monitor the private communications of Americans.'' If such forces
were ever turned against the country's communications system, Senator
Church said, ''no American would have any privacy left. ... There
would be no place to hide.'' Over the years, N.S.A. surveillance
activities have indeed included Americans who were merely stating
their political beliefs. The agency first became involved in this more
questionable kind of surveillance in the early 1960's when either
Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy or the F.B.I. asked it to monitor
all telephone calls between the United States and Cuba. This list of
international calls was significantly enlarged during the Johnson
Administration as Federal authorities became concerned that foreign
governments might try to influence American civil-rights leaders. The
N.S.A. gradually developed a ''watch list'' of Americans that included
those speaking out against the Vietnam War.

According to the subsequent investigation by the Senate Intelligence
Committee, a total of 1,200 Americans were targeted by the N.S.A.
between 1967 and 1973 because of their political activities. The
subjects - chosen by the F.B.I., the Secret Service, the C.I.A. and
the Defense Intelligence Agency - included members of radical groups,
celebrities and ordinary citizens. When it appeared that Congress
might learn about the eavesdropping, the surveillance halted.

The Senate intelligence committee also discovered a second illegal
surveillance program, under which the N.S.A., and its military
predecessors, examined most of the telegrams entering or leaving the
country between 1945 and 1975. The program was abruptly halted in May
1975, a date coinciding with the Senate committee's first expression
of interest in it.

The records obtained by the committee indicate that from the project's
earliest stages, both Government officials and corporate executives
understood that the surveillance flatly violated a Federal law against
intercepting or divulging telegrams. Certainly, they were aware that
such interception violated the Fourth Amendment, guaranteeing against
unreasonable searches and seizures, which also holds that a court
warrant can be issued only when there is probable cause to believe a
crime has been committed.

Using the information thus gathered, the N.S.A. between 1952 and 1974
developed files on approximately 75,000 Americans, some of whom
undoubtedly threatened the nation's security. However, the agency also
developed files on civil-rights and antiwar activists, Congressmen and
other citizens who lawfully questioned Government policies. For at
least 13 of the 22 years the agency was building these files, the
C.I.A. had access to them and used the data in its Operation Chaos,
another computerized and illegal tracking system set up during the
Vietnam War. At its peak, the Chaos files had references to more than
300,000 Americans.

[...]

No laws define the limits of the N.S.A.'s power. No Congressional
committee subjects the agency's budget to a systematic, informed and
skeptical review. With unknown billions of Federal dollars, the agency
purchases the most sophisticated communications and computer equipment
in the world. But truly to comprehend the growing reach of this
formidable organization, it is necessary to recall once again how the
computers that power the N.S.A. are also gradually changing lives of
Americans - the way they bank, obtain benefits from the Government and
communicate with family and friends. Every day, in almost every area
of culture and commerce, systems and procedures are being adopted by
private companies and organizations as well as by the nation's
security leaders that make it easier for the N.S.A. to dominate
American society should it ever decide such action is necessary.

Copyright 2013 The New York Times Company
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