Re: VIRGIL: Caesar, cold and isolated

2003-05-22 Thread rdyer
I have been busy with other things - I hope the Hellenists and 
Byzantinists on this list know the excellent Suda On Line project on Stoa:
http://www.stoa.org/sol/
I am just finishing a cluster of very time-consuming entries on Tyche 
and its related verbs in the 1700 years of Greek that the Suda covers, 
and am satisfied that Erika Simon's theory is right that Homer, for the 
Shield of Achilles, must have visited a coppersmith's workshop and 
intends by the concept a reference to the delicate accuracy of striking 
surfaces by hammer and chisel in artistic chasing, engraving and stone 
relief.
But I cannot avoid a word or more on allegory in the Aeneid. As I have 
argued in print, Vergil is to some degree an heir of Cicero in their 
questions about the inhumanity of totalitarian rule. I take the 
mysterious episode of Caieta at the hinge between the two "halves" of 
the Aeneid as an unmistakeable reference to the liquidation of Cicero on 
the path to his villa from the weatherbound port of Caieta (whence he 
had been trying to escape), at Antony's orders and to the delight of his 
guests at his dinnertable where he displayed the severed head. Just as 
the death of Cicero left Octavian free to tread the path to monarchy, so 
the death of Aeneas's nurse leaves him free from all bonds of human love 
and affection - save his rather bloodless pietas towards his son. The 
praise lavished on the nurse in the epic is curiously inappropriate; it 
is surely the site of Cicero's death that marks the place for eternity. 
Cicero, the orator whose greatest political speeches are those that 
brand Antony as a beast incapable of rational political action, appears 
in the following allegory, as Aeneas sails past the voices of the men 
turned into beasts by Circe, situated now among the Volscians, in the 
territory of Arpinum and Cicero's origins. These signal, to my mind, 
that we the readers are meant to judge, in the fashion of a Ciceronian 
dialog, whether we believe that Roman society needed a strong man or 
that the Ciceronian principles of the republic are the only acceptable 
form of government for free men. The jury on that issue is still 
undecided. I have always taught the Aeneid in this way. Some students 
argue passionately for the American republic; others are less sure and 
argue that Aeneas symbolizes to them the devoted nationalist under God 
who would run America better. I happen to love one side and hate the 
other, but that is my view and not necessarily the way America is headed.
I overstress an allegory that is much lighter and more allusive and 
illusive than the above account. I think we are merely meant to pose 
ourselves questions about how nice men endowed with humanity and pietas 
become tyrants. I know people who knew Pol Pot as a student in Paris and 
others who were at university with Qaddafi. None expected their careers 
to be what they became.
Rob Dyer
Paris, France

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Re: VIRGIL: Caesar, cold and isolated

2003-05-13 Thread David Wilson-Okamura
At 01:21 PM 5/7/03 +0100, Martin Hughes wrote:
>Did V really weigh every word and load every word with meaning to the
>extent that Paschalis supposes?

If Suetonius-Donatus is to be believed, Virgil composed the Aeneid at the
rate of three lines per day. (That is, if you don't count weekends.) He
also adopted a style that was, in contrast to his primary Greek model,
restrained. He wasn't just weighing words, though; he was also weighing
sounds. That makes it hard to know how much weight to put on the words.
Hence the need for tact (which is, admittedly, not a method or a strategy).

Perhaps it might help if we looked at other references to Caesar and
Pompey. The one in book 6 is the most obvious, because it names Caesar and
Pompey. But there is also a pretty clear reference to Pompey in book 2:

A  2.554   Haec finis Priami fatorum; hic exitus illum
A  2.555   sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et prolapsa uidentem
A  2.556   Pergama, tot quondam populis terrisque superbum
A  2.557   regnatorem Asiae. Iacet ingens litore truncus,
A  2.558   auolsumque umeris caput, et sine nomine corpus.

You don't have to know a lot about Roman history (and I don't) to recognize
an allusion to the death of Pompey. According to Plutarch, the assassins
"cut off Pompey’s head, and threw the rest of his
body overboard, leaving it naked upon the shore, to be viewed by any that
had the curiosity to see so sad a spectacle."

Priam, in Virgil's account, is killed by Pyrrhus in a way that is both
vulgar and profane. But Pyrrhus is not Caesar; if you want to read the
whole episode as a historical allegory, Pyrrhus is the Egyptians, who
killed Pompey in order to ingratiate themselves with Caesar. But Caesar
himself was disgusted by the deed, and punished the assassins (though
perhaps he was pleased with the outcome). All that we can say (and I think
it is saying a lot) is that the fall of Troy (in Virgil's poem) seems to
foreshadow the demise of the Republic (in Virgil's lifetime); that the
death of Pompey seems to mark the demise of the Republic; and that Virgil
is impressed with the dignity and majesty of the old constitution and its
champion. I say "Virgil is impressed with," not "Virgil favors." For Virgil
is impressed with, and values, many things in this poem, not all of which
are compatible with each other. It is hard, for instance, not to admire
Dido and Turnus, at least in some things. Why didn't Aeneas just say,
"Dido, I have something to do, but I'll be back in a couple of months"?
Then he could go to Italy, put  Turnus in charge of homeland security, help
Mezentius find a new hobby, and visit Carthage on the weekends. 

Of course, that's not how it turns out, because this is a poem for
grown-ups. (Yes, I know I'm being glib. But, seriously, what did you expect
to happen?)

Back to Caesar and Pompey. If you want a picture of Caesar, look at
Anchises. It's partially sanitized, for obvious reasons, but it's not
hagiography. Anchises is a nice old man, but he is confused about the next
step. Instead of sending the fleet to Italy, he takes them to Crete. Julius
Caesar was not, I am assuming, a nice old man. Like Anchises, though, he
couldn't figure out how to handle the transition. Troy (= the Republic) is
a thing of the past. But what comes next? He doesn't know; that's for his
son (= Octavian) to figure out. 

As for the fall of the Republic: whose fault was it? I think there's a
clue, again, in Virgil's description of the fall of Troy:

A  2.626   ac ueluti summis antiquam in montibus ornum
A  2.627   cum ferro accisam crebrisque bipennibus instant
A  2.628   eruere agricolae certatim,--illa usque minatur
A  2.629   et tremefacta comam concusso uertice nutat,
A  2.630   uolneribus donec paulatim euicta, supremum
A  2.631   congemuit, traxitque iugis auolsa ruinam.

The tree, I take it, is the constitution: not a document, of course, but
"the way we handle things around here." It is not brought down by anything
in particular: rather, there is a series of little wounds, which are
inflicted on the tree in or by competition (certatim). Pettiness on all
sides: that was what destroyed the Republic -- or so I fancy.

---
David Wilson-Okamurahttp://virgil.org  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
East Carolina UniversityVirgil reception, discussion, documents, &c
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