[Marxism] New WORLD HISTORY SERIES featuring ERNEST MANDEL, LUCIEN FEBVRE, ROBIN BLACKBURN

2011-05-17 Thread VersoMail Verso
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THE VERSO WORLD HISTORY SERIES

To commemorate its fortieth anniversary in 2010, Verso launched the World 
History series. These attractive new editions of classic works of history aim 
to make landmark texts available to a new generation of readers. Covering a 
time span stretching from Ancient Greece and Rome to the twentieth century, and 
with a global geographical range, the series will also include thematic 
insights into such topics as the spread of print cultures and the history of 
money.



Titles in the WORLD HISTORY SERIES:

Published in September 2010

THE MAKING OF NEW WORLD SLAVERY: FROM THE BAROQUE TO THE MODERN, 1492 – 1800 by 
ROBIN BLACKBURN

THE COMING OF THE BOOK: THE IMPACT OF PRINTING, 1450 - 1800 by LUCIEN FEBVRE 
and HENRI-JEAN MARTIN

THE PERSISTENCE OF THE OLD REGIME: EUROPE TO THE GREAT WAR by ARNO MAYER

Published in May 2011:

THE MEANING OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR by ERNEST MANDEL

THE HISTORY OF GOLD AND MONEY:1450-1920 by PIERRE VILAR

THE OVERTHROW OF COLONIAL SLAVERY:1776-1848  by ROBIN BLACKBURN

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THE MAKING OF NEW WORLD SLAVERY: FROM THE BAROQUE TO THE MODERN, 1492 - 1800

By ROBIN BLACKBURN

‘Sombre, dark and masterly.’ Linda Colley, INDEPENDENT ON SUNDAY

‘An exhaustive, powerfully written and compelling book.’ Anthony Padgen, TIMES 
LITERARY SUPPLEMENT

THE MAKING OF NEW WORLD SLAVERY argues that independent commerce, geared to 
burgeoning consumer markets, was the driving force behind the rise of 
plantation slavery. The baroque state sought—successfully—to feed upon this 
commerce and—unsuccessfully—to regulate slavery and racial relations. To 
illustrate this history, Blackburn examines the deployment of slaves in the 
colonial possessions of the Portuguese, the Spanish, the Dutch, the English and 
the French. Plantation slavery is shown to have emerged from the impulses of 
civil society, not from the strategies of the individual states. Robin 
Blackburn argues that the organization of slave plantations placed the West on 
a destructive path to modernity and that greatly preferable alternatives were 
both proposed and rejected. Finally he shows that the surge of Atlantic trade, 
predicated on the murderous toil of the plantations, made a decisive 
contribution to both the Industrial Revolution and the rise of the West.

ROBIN BLACKBURN teaches at the Graduate Faculty of the New School University, 
New York, and in the Sociology Department of the University of Essex. He is the 
author of THE OVERTHROW OF COLONIAL SLAVERY, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 
1776–1848 and, most recently, AGE SHOCK.


ISBN: 978 1 84467 632 3 / £60 / $95 / Hardback / 608 pages

ISBN: 978 1 84467 631 6 / £19.99 / $29.95 / Paperback / 602 pages

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THE COMING OF THE BOOK: THE IMPACT OF PRINTING, 1450 - 1800

By LUCIEN FEBVRE and HENRI-JEAN MARTIN

‘It ranks easily among the most consequential works of recent French 
scholarship.’ TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT

‘It is one of the most exciting scholarly books ever written on printing … This 
book is serious work – marvellously rich and stimulating.’ Hugh Trevor-Roper, 
TIMES

At a moment when the future of the printed page seems far from certain, and the 
death of the book is predicted with increasing regularity, this is a timely 
reissue of the classic study on the birth of the book.

The emergence of the book was not merely an event of world historical 
importance, but the dawn of modernity. In this much praised work, Lucien Febvre 
and Henri-Jean Martin mesh together economic and technological history, 
sociology and anthropology, with the study of consciousness itself to root the 
development of printing in the changing social relations and ideological 
struggles of Western Europe.

AUTHOR:  LUCIEN FEBVRE, who died in 1956, was cofounder of the influential 
journal ANNALES, and is widely recognized as one of the foremost historians of 
the twentieth century. HENRI-JEAN MARTIN is a distinguished historian of the 
development of early printing.

ISBN: 978 1 84467 634 7 / £60 / $95 / Hardback / 384 pages

ISBN: 978 1 84467 633 0 / £16.99 / $24.95 / Paperback / 378 pages

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THE PERSISTENCE OF THE OLD REGIME: EUROPE TO THE GREAT WAR

By ARNO MAYER

‘A seminal book - extremely challenging. The historical and political 
implications of the 'Mayer thesis' will be widely discussed in years to come - 
certainly not only by specialists.’ Carlo Ginzburg

‘A revolutionary book about an era that was without doubt different than we 
believed. In Europe on the eve of 1914, imperialism did not represent the 
“supreme state of capitalism”, but rather its first murmurings mixed in with 
the long persistence of 

Re: [Marxism] Call for arrest warrants against Gaddafis escalates war (Guardian ite

2011-05-17 Thread Einde O'Callaghan

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On 16.05.2011 22:47, Lüko Willms wrote:

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Louis Proyect (l...@panix.com) wrote on 2011-05-16 at 14:34:18 in  about
Re: [Marxism] Call for arrest warrants against Gaddafis escalates war
(Guardian ite:


Right. I am going out drinking with Michael Berube tonight to celebrate.


Yawn.

You are really getting desperate.


I strongly suspect that you're suffering from irony deficit!

Einde O'Callaghan


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[Marxism] Obama more secretive than Nixon

2011-05-17 Thread Louis Proyect

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http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2011/05/23/110523fa_fact_mayer

A Reporter at Large
The Secret Sharer
Is Thomas Drake an enemy of the state?
by Jane Mayer May 23, 2011

On June 13th, a fifty-four-year-old former government employee 
named Thomas Drake is scheduled to appear in a courtroom in 
Baltimore, where he will face some of the gravest charges that can 
be brought against an American citizen. A former senior executive 
at the National Security Agency, the government’s 
electronic-espionage service, he is accused, in essence, of being 
an enemy of the state. According to a ten-count indictment 
delivered against him in April, 2010, Drake violated the Espionage 
Act—the 1917 statute that was used to convict Aldrich Ames, the 
C.I.A. officer who, in the eighties and nineties, sold U.S. 
intelligence to the K.G.B., enabling the Kremlin to assassinate 
informants. In 2007, the indictment says, Drake willfully retained 
top-secret defense documents that he had sworn an oath to protect, 
sneaking them out of the intelligence agency’s headquarters, at 
Fort Meade, Maryland, and taking them home, for the purpose of 
“unauthorized disclosure.” The aim of this scheme, the indictment 
says, was to leak government secrets to an unnamed newspaper 
reporter, who is identifiable as Siobhan Gorman, of the Baltimore 
Sun. Gorman wrote a prize-winning series of articles for the Sun 
about financial waste, bureaucratic dysfunction, and dubious legal 
practices in N.S.A. counterterrorism programs. Drake is also 
charged with obstructing justice and lying to federal 
law-enforcement agents. If he is convicted on all counts, he could 
receive a prison term of thirty-five years.


The government argues that Drake recklessly endangered the lives 
of American servicemen. “This is not an issue of benign 
documents,” William M. Welch II, the senior litigation counsel who 
is prosecuting the case, argued at a hearing in March, 2010. The 
N.S.A., he went on, collects “intelligence for the soldier in the 
field. So when individuals go out and they harm that ability, our 
intelligence goes dark and our soldier in the field gets harmed.”


Top officials at the Justice Department describe such leak 
prosecutions as almost obligatory. Lanny Breuer, the Assistant 
Attorney General who supervises the department’s criminal 
division, told me, “You don’t get to break the law and disclose 
classified information just because you want to.” He added, 
“Politics should play no role in it whatsoever.”


When President Barack Obama took office, in 2009, he championed 
the cause of government transparency, and spoke admiringly of 
whistle-blowers, whom he described as “often the best source of 
information about waste, fraud, and abuse in government.” But the 
Obama Administration has pursued leak prosecutions with a 
surprising relentlessness. Including the Drake case, it has been 
using the Espionage Act to press criminal charges in five alleged 
instances of national-security leaks—more such prosecutions than 
have occurred in all previous Administrations combined. The Drake 
case is one of two that Obama’s Justice Department has carried 
over from the Bush years.


Gabriel Schoenfeld, a conservative political scientist at the 
Hudson Institute, who, in his book “Necessary Secrets” (2010), 
argues for more stringent protection of classified information, 
says, “Ironically, Obama has presided over the most draconian 
crackdown on leaks in our history—even more so than Nixon.”


(clip)


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[Marxism] George Soros contributes $60 million to Bard College colonial ventures

2011-05-17 Thread Louis Proyect

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http://louisproyect.wordpress.com/2011/05/17/george-soros-contributes-60-million-to-bard-college-colonial-ventures/


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[Marxism] JP Morgan's hunt for Afghan gold

2011-05-17 Thread Louis Proyect

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http://management.fortune.cnn.com/2011/05/11/jp-morgan-hunt-afghan-gold/


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[Marxism] Trotskygrad on the Altiplano

2011-05-17 Thread CallMe Ishmael
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Interesting stuff.

***

https://nacla.org/article/trotskygrad-altiplano

Reviews
Trotskygrad on the Altiplano
by Bill Weinberg

Bolivia’s Radical Tradition: Permanent Revolution in the Andes by S.
Sándor John, University of Arizona Press, 2009, 320 pp., $55
(hardcover)

Bolivia, notoriously landlocked and impoverished, is today at the
forefront of forging a post–Cold War anti-imperialism—emphasizing an
indigenous vision rather than European ideologies. But it was
generations of bitter struggle that culminated in the 2005 election of
the Aymara peasant leader and declared socialist Evo Morales to the
presidency. As elsewhere in South America, world ideological contests,
including the schisms within the socialist camp, played themselves out
in Bolivia during the years between the Russian Revolution and the
fall of the Berlin Wall. The way they did, however, made Bolivia
unique.

Alone on the South American continent, Bolivia saw the emergence of a
militant (at times, even revolutionary) labor movement that aligned
with Leon Trotsky and his Fourth International, and rejected Joseph
Stalin and his Kremlin successors. In Bolivia’s Radical Tradition:
Permanent Revolution in the Andes, S. Sándor John explores the roots
of this exceptionalism. To his credit, he resists the temptation of
mechanistic explanations—but the answer is pretty clearly rooted in
sheer oppression.

Faced with a nasty, brutish, and short life in the tin mines of the
altiplano (chronic silicosis made for an average lifespan of 40
years), Bolivia’s miners had little patience for the Moscow-mandated
line of “two-stage” revolution, which urged subordination to the
“bourgeois-democratic” political process until feudalism was
dismantled and modern capitalism established. The Trotskyist doctrine
of permanent revolution referenced in John’s subtitle, in contrast,
emphasized unrelenting hostility to the ruling class and no
postponement of the struggle for socialism. .


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Re: [Marxism] Trotskygrad on the Altiplano

2011-05-17 Thread Louis Proyect

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On 5/17/11 6:05 PM, CallMe Ishmael wrote:


https://nacla.org/article/trotskygrad-altiplano

Reviews
Trotskygrad on the Altiplano
by Bill Weinberg

Bolivia’s Radical Tradition: Permanent Revolution in the Andes by S.
Sándor John, University of Arizona Press, 2009, 320 pp., $55
(hardcover)

Bolivia, notoriously landlocked and impoverished, is today at the
forefront of forging a post–Cold War anti-imperialism—emphasizing an
indigenous vision rather than European ideologies. But it was
generations of bitter struggle that culminated in the 2005 election of
the Aymara peasant leader and declared socialist Evo Morales to the
presidency. As elsewhere in South America, world ideological contests,
including the schisms within the socialist camp, played themselves out
in Bolivia during the years between the Russian Revolution and the
fall of the Berlin Wall. The way they did, however, made Bolivia
unique.




So I’m sitting in the third row at the Brecht Forum last Thursday night 
waiting for Michael Yates to begin his talk on his new book “Why Unions 
Matter” and guess who I run into? None other than Red Jackman, the 
barfly and Shachtmanite I haven’t seen since 1975 from Club 55 down on 
Christopher Street in the Village. The Club 55 was where Red held court. 
It was a hangout for beatniks and 1950s radicals, especially those with 
connections to the Trotskyist movement. I used to drink there with my 
friend Nelson, who was editor of the Trotskyist newspaper The Militant, 
whose offices were 5 blocks away on the Hudson.


Red was a raconteur and a ne’er-do-well charmer, who was either being 
thrown out of his apartment by a girlfriend or wife, or out of the Club 
55 by the bartender. After Michael’s talk, Red went up to him and told 
him how much he appreciated it. He told a funny story about some 
Shachtmanites he knew who had ended up in the International Department 
of the AFL-CIO reporting to Jay Lovestone. When the Bolivian revolution 
broke out in 1953, these two ended up down there like Rosenkrantz and 
Guildenstern trying to promote AFL-CIO influence, even though they were 
still left-wingers.


They ended up getting kidnapped by the miners, who took them back to 
their clandestine headquarters. They plead their case with the miners, 
in fear of their lives. Who could blame them for being scared, since the 
miners were fierce-looking Quechuans who carried around dynamite sticks 
to throw at the army. When the miners learned that the two Americans 
were Shachtmanites, the mood changed completely. Drinks were served and 
a convivial debate opened up which lasted through the night about the 
class nature of the Soviet Union, with half the miners insisting in 
orthodox Trotskyist fashion that it was a degenerated workers state and 
the other half defending Shachtman’s “third camp” position. It turned 
out that the miners union was a Trotskyist stronghold.


full: http://louisproyect.wordpress.com/2010/07/24/red-jackman/


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[Marxism] Chávez and the Arab dictators

2011-05-17 Thread Louis Proyect

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http://socialistworker.org/2011/05/17/chavez-and-the-arab-dictators

Chávez and the Arab dictators

by Lance Selfa

Venezuela's Hugo Chávez is respected as a left opponent of U.S. 
imperialism--but he is lending support to Middle East despots who are 
trying to suppress popular uprisings.


May 17, 2011

WHEN THE revolution sweeping the Arab world struck Libya and Syria, the 
governments there chose to act in the same way that the Bahraini 
monarchy did against its internal opposition: Open fire on unarmed 
crowds, arrest large numbers of people and outlaw demonstrations.


These actions have rightly received widespread condemnation from 
supporters of the Arab revolutions. But they have received at least 
tacit support from Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, who is widely 
considered an important figure on the international left.


I don't know why, but the things that have happened and are happening 
there remind me of Hugo Chávez on April 11, Chávez told reporters, 
comparing the democracy rebellion in Libya to the U.S.-backed right-wing 
coup against him in April 2002. A mass outpouring of Venezuelan workers 
and poor people defeated the coup and returned Chávez to office.


Venezuelan Foreign Minister Nicolas Maduro went even farther than 
Chávez, declaring the Libyan government's suppression of the uprising 
there to be essential to peace and national unity.


Needless to say, these statements of support for the suppression of a 
popular uprising are disconcerting for those who support the democratic 
awakening in the Middle East--especially coming from Chávez and his 
government. In fact, the popular uprisings in the Middle East have more 
in common with the mass resistance that defeated the 2002 coup than with 
the coup.


- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

SINCE HE was first elected in 1998 with widespread support from 
Venezuela's workers and the poor, Chávez has attempted to offer a 
challenge to the reigning neoliberal orthodoxy. Much of the 
international left has praised his paradigm of 21st century socialism 
as a model for achieving social justice in today's world economy.


So how is it possible that the originator of 21st century socialism 
can support dictators like Libya's Muammar el-Qaddafi and Syria's Bashar 
al-Assad, who are ordering the shooting down of ordinary people 
demanding freedom and equality?


Of course, the international right has an easy answer to this question. 
To it, Chávez is nothing more than a dictator himself--so his backing of 
Qaddafi, Assad and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is of a piece.


The Miami Herald, whose views on Latin America track closely with the 
right-wing anti-Castro lobby, editorialized on May 2: With dictators 
toppling like dominoes across the Middle East, Venezuela's 
president-for-life, Hugo Chávez, is signaling worry about his own 
despotic rule.


Diego Arria, a former Venezuelan diplomat who identifies with the 
right-wing opposition to Chávez, told a small demonstration at the 
Libyan Embassy in Caracas: Hugo Chávez is complicit with Qaddafi's 
regime of tyranny. If his friendship with Qaddafi is greater than his 
responsibility as head of state, then he should go to Tripoli and help 
him there, but not in the name of Venezuela.


Before accepting these condemnations of Chávez, consider their source. 
The Venezuelan right--which operates with much more freedom in Venezuela 
than does any opposition in Libya or Syria, or Saudi Arabia for that 
matter--can hardly tout its democratic credentials. These were the same 
people who launched the failed coup against Chávez in 2002, and who 
cheered the 2009 coup in Honduras against Chávez's ally, President 
Manual Zelaya.


What's more, it's hypocritical for anti-Chávez forces to point out 
Chávez's support for Syria's Assad while ignoring that other world 
leaders hoping for Assad to prevail include Israel's Prime Minister 
Benjamin Netanyahu and Saudi Arabia's monarchy, which supports the 
Syrian regime as a bulwark of stability in the region.


Clearly, Chávez doesn't have much in common with these reactionary 
players in the Middle East. But in lending his credibility to figures 
like Qaddafi and Assad, he's undermining the support he had gained for 
championing 21st century socialism.


When Chávez denounced Israel's 2006 war in Lebanon and expelled its 
charge d'affairs from Venezuela, ordinary Arabs and activists cheered 
him. Back then, Dima Khatib, Al Jazeera's Latin American correspondent, 
wrote: Today on many Arabic Internet sites, one can read comments such 
as: 'I am Palestinian, but my president is Chávez, not Abu Mazen.' Or: 
'I don't want to be an Arab. From now on I shall be Venezuelan.'


Also, to millions of Arabs, Venezuela's use of its oil wealth to fund 

[Marxism] Freedom for Joaquín Pérez Becerra!

2011-05-17 Thread John Riddell
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Dear Friends,

Published on my website today, “Freedom for Joaquín Pérez Becerra!” which
considers the urgency of defending this political refugee, now held in
Colombia, in the broader political context of his deportation from Venezuela
and incarceration. See http://johnriddell.wordpress.com.

Coming next: “Clara Zetkin and the Communist Women’s International,” a look
at pioneer socialist feminism in the first years after the Russian
revolution.

To be notified of new posts, type your email into the box in the website’s
right-hand column. 

John Riddell



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[Marxism] Australia: Greens' BDS stance widens debate over boycott of Israel's apartheid | Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal

2011-05-17 Thread glparramatta

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After months of pressure from apologists for apartheid Israel, eight 
Marrickville councillors, including two Greens councillors, voted on 
April 19 to rescind the council’s near unanimous December 2010 decision 
to support the global boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) campaign 
against Israel.
However, an important national discussion about Australia’s 
responsibilities to help Palestinians win their rights has begun.


Full article + videos at http://links.org.au/node/2318

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