[Marxism-Thaxis] Security, Secrecy and a Bush Brother, by Margie Burns (FWD)

2003-06-22 Thread Jim Farmelant
Security, Secrecy and a Bush Brother
By Margie Burns

A company that provided security at the World Trade Center, Washington
D.C.'s 
Dulles International Airport and United Airlines between 1995 and 2001
was 
backed by a private Kuwaiti-American investment firm whose records were
not 
open to full public disclosure, with ties to the Bush family.

Marvin P. Bush, a younger brother of George W. Bush, was a principal in
the 
company from 1993 to 2000, when most of the work on the big projects was 
done. But White House responses to 9/11 have not publicly disclosed the 
company's part in providing security to any of the named facilities.
Public records indicate that the firm, formerly named Securacom, had Bush
on its 
board of directors. He was also listed as a significant shareholder. The
firm, 
which is now named Stratesec, Inc., is located in Sterling, Va., a D.C.
suburb, 
and emphasizes federal clients. Bush is no longer on the board.
Bush has not responded to repeated telephoned and emailed requests for 
comment.

The American Stock Exchange delisted Stratesec's stock in October 2002. 
(Securacom also had a contract to provide security at Los Alamos National

Laboratories, notorious for its security breach.)

According to its present CEO, Barry McDaniel, the company had an ongoing 
contract to handle security at the World Trade Center up to the day the
buildings 
fell down. Yet instead of being investigated, the company and companies 
involved with it have benefited from legislation pushed by the Bush White
House 
and rubber-stamped by Congressional Republicans. Stratesec, its backer 
KuwAm, and their corporate officers stand to benefit from limitations on
liability 
and national-security protections from investigation provided in bills
since 9/11.
HCC Insurance Holdings, Inc., a reinsurance corporation on whose board
Marvin 
Bush sat as director until November 2002, similarly benefits from
terrorism 
insurance protections. (Bush's first year on the board at HCC coincided
with his 
last year on the board at Stratesec.) HCC, formerly Houston Casualty
Company, 
carried some of the insurance for the World Trade Center. It posted a
loss for the 
quarter after the attacks of Sept. 11 and dropped participation in
worker's 
compensation as a result. Bush remains an adviser to the chairman and the

Board of Directors, as well as a member of the company's investment
committee.
The former CEO of Stratesec is Wirt D. Walker III, who is still chairman
of the 
board. Although he has also been the managing director of KuwAm for
several 
years, Walker states definitively in phone interviews that there was no
exchange 
of talent between Stratesec and KuwAm during the WTC and other projects.
As Walker put it, I'm an investment banker. He continued, We just
owned 
some stock. The investment company was not involved in any way in the
work 
or day-to-day operations of the security company. He explained clearly
and 
pleasantly that there was no sharing of information or of personnel
between the 
two companies.

In December 2000 endash;- when the presidential election was determined
-- 
Stratesec added a Government Division, providing the same full range of 
security systems services as the Commercial Division, in the company's
words. 
Stratesec now has an open-ended contract with the General Services 
Administration (GSA) and a Blanket Purchase Agreement (BPA) with the
agency 
that allows the government to purchase materials and services from the 
Company without having to go through a full competition.
The company lists as government clients the US Army, US Navy, US Air
force, 
and the Department of Justice, in projects that often require
state-of-the-art 
security solutions for classified or high-risk government sites. In
2000, the US 
Army accounted for 29% of the company's earned revenues, or about $6.9 
million.

The White House opposed an independent commission to investigate 9/11
until 
after the terrorism insurance protections and protections for security
companies 
had safely passed Congress. It has also quietly intervened in lawsuits
against 
United Airlines in New York, brought by relatives of the victims.
Marvin Bush joined Securacom's Board of Directors in 1993, as part of new

management hired when the company separated from engineering firm Burns 
and Roe. The new team was capitalized by KuwAm, the D.C.-based Kuwaiti-
American investment company. Bush also served on the Board of Directors
at 
KuwAm, along with Mishal Yousef Saud al-Sabah, Chairman of KuwAm and also

a Director on Securacom's (Stratesec's) board.

The World Trade Center and the Metropolitan Washington Airport Authority
-- 
which operates Dulles -- were two of Securacom's three biggest clients in
1996 
and 1997. (The third was MCI, now WorldCom.)

Stratesec (Securacom) differs from other security companies which
separate the 
function of consultant from that of service provider. The company defines
itself as 
a single-source provider of 

[Marxism-Thaxis] The 'Left-Wing Media? (Monthly Review - June 2003)

2003-06-22 Thread Jim Farmelant
The 'Left-Wing' 
Media? 
by Robert W. McChesney and 
John Bellamy Foster

http://www.monthlyreview.org/0603editr.htm
  
This article is a version of material that will 
appear in the authors' The Big Picture: 
Understanding Media through Political 
Economy, to be published by Monthly Review 
Press in December 2003. Citations for this 
piece will be available there.

If we learn nothing else from the war 
on Iraq and its subsequent 
occupation, it is that the U.S. ruling 
class has learned to make ideological 
warfare as important to its operations 
as military and economic warfare. A 
crucial component of this ideological 
war has been the campaign against 
left-wing media bias, with the 
objective of reducing or eliminating the 
prospect that mainstream U.S. 
journalism might be at all critical 
toward elite interests or the system set 
up to serve those interests. In 2001 
and 2002, no less than three books 
purporting to demonstrate the 
media's leftward tilt rested high atop 
the bestseller list. Such charges have 
already influenced media content, 
pushing journalists to be less critical of 
right-wing politics. The result has been 
to reinforce the corporate and rightist 
bias already built into the media 
system. 
The main target of this propaganda 
campaign is television network news 
programs, but the campaign has also 
extended into radio broadcasting, 
newspapers, and other media. Rupert 
Murdoch's News Corporation, which 
controls broadcasting outlets and 
newspapers throughout the world, 
launched the Fox News Channel in 
the 1990s as a more conservative 
rival to CNN and the news programs 
of ABC, NBC, and CBS. According to 
the New York Times (April 7, 2003),
In the United States, Mr. 
Murdoch's creation of the Fox 
News Channel has shifted the 
entire spectrum of American 
cable news to the right. 
Convinced that many people 
found CNN and the major 
broadcast networks too liberal, 
Mr. Murdoch and the former 
Republican political consultant 
Roger Ailes chartered Fox to be 
more conservative—or, from 
their point of view, more 
centrist. Last January, Fox 
became the top-rated cable 
network and it now draws more 
than 2 million viewers in prime 
timeFrom the start, the 
network displayed an American 
flag waving on its screen. Its 
newscasters speak of American 
and British troops as we, 
ours, and liberators. After 
other networks reported setbacks 
to American and British forces 
[during the invasion of Iraq], the 
Fox commentator Bill O'Reilly 
denounced its competitors as 
liberal weenies who were 
exaggerating the difficulties of 
the fight and underestimating the 
American public's toleration for 
casualties.
The current attack on media content is 
presented as an attempt to counter 
the alleged bias of media elites. In 
reality, however, it is designed to 
shrink still further—to the point of 
oblivion—the space for critical 
analysis in journalism. In order to 
understand the form and content of 
the conservative onslaught on the 
media it is necessary to have some 
comprehension of the role played by 
professional journalism beginning in 
the early twentieth century.
Prior to 1900, the editorial position of 
a newspaper invariably reflected the 
political views of the owner, and the 
politics were explicit throughout the 
paper. Partisan journalism became 
problematic when newspapers 
became increasingly commercial 
enterprises and when newspaper 
markets became predominantly 
monopolistic. During the Progressive 
Era—as was chronicled in these 
pages a year ago—U.S. journalism 
came under withering attack for being 
a tool of its capitalist owners to 
propagate anti-labor propaganda.* 
With profit-making in the driver's 
seat, partisan journalism became bad 
for business as it turned off parts of 
the potential readership and that 
displeased advertisers. Professional 
journalism was born from the 
revolutionary idea that the link 
between owner and editor could be 
broken. The news would be 
determined by trained professionals 
and the politics of owners and 
advertisers would be apparent only on 
the editorial page. Journalists would 
be given considerable autonomy to 
control the news using their 
professional judgment. Among other 
things, they would be trained to 
establish their political neutrality. 
Monopoly control over the news in 
particular markets was not especially 
important—so the argument went—
since, whether or not there were 
multiple newspapers, trained 
professionals would provide similar 
reports, to the extent that they were 
well trained. There emerged a 
professional code that, following The 
Elements of Journalism, by Bill 
Kovack and Tom Rosenstiel, might be 
reduced in its most ideal form to nine 
principles: 

1.  .Journalism's first obligation is to the 
truth. 

2.  Its first loyalty is to citizens. 

3.  Its essence is a discipline of verification. 

4.  Its practitioners must maintain an 
independence from those they cover.