Re: [mediacare] The Changing Climate On Climate Change (J.E. Stiglitz)--langkah selanjutnya

2007-02-13 Terurut Topik Kadarsah
Perubahan iklim telah dirasakan dan membawa efek yang sangat besar, 
pertanyaanya adalah*

maukah pemerintah memperhatikan konsep ini dalam kebijakan pembangunannya.
Contohnya adalah kebijakan yang perlu diatur ketat:
-reklamasi pantai 
-penebangan hutan
-perlindungan hutan
-pembanguan fisik dll.

Banjir di Jakarta adalah salah satu contoh, dimana pejabat di Jakarta 
marah-marah karena rumahnya banjir, sedangkan mereka sendiri membangun vilanya 
di daerah resapan air ( puncak), contoh kasus Sutiyoso( harian rakyat merdeka).

Kadarsah


sidqy suyitno [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:  
 The Changing Climate On Climate Change
 Joseph E. Stiglitz
  
 The message, it seems, has finally gotten through: global warming represents a 
serious threat to our planet. At the recent World Economic Forum in Davos, 
world leaders saw climate change, for the first time, topping the list of 
global concerns.
 Europe and Japan have shown their commitment to reduce global warming by 
imposing costs on themselves and their producers, even if it places them at a 
competitive disadvantage. The biggest obstacle until now has been the United 
States. The Clinton administration had called for bold action as far back as 
1993, proposing what was in effect a tax on carbon emissions; but an alliance 
of polluters, led by the coal, oil, and auto industries beat back this 
initiative.
 To the scientific community, the evidence on climate change has, of course, 
been overwhelming for more than a decade and a half. I participated in the 
second assessment of the scientific evidence conducted by the Intergovernmental 
Panel on Climate Change, which perhaps made one critical mistake: it 
underestimated the pace at which global warming was occurring. The Fourth 
Assessment, which was just issued, confirms the mounting evidence and the 
increasing conviction that global warming is the result of the increase in 
greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.
 The increased pace of warming reflects the impact of complex non-linear 
factors and a variety of “tipping points” that can result in acceleration of 
the process. For instance, as the Arctic ice cap melts, less sunlight is 
reflected. Seemingly dramatic changes in weather patterns – including the 
melting of glaciers in Greenland and the thawing of the Siberian permafrost – 
have at last convinced most business leaders that the time for action is now.
 Recently, even President Bush seems to have woken up. But a closer look at 
what he is doing, and not doing, shows clearly that he has mostly heard the 
call of his campaign contributors from the oil and coal industries, and that he 
has once again put their interests over the global interest in reducing 
emissions. If he were truly concerned about global warming, how could he have 
endorsed the construction of coal-fired electricity plants, even if those 
plants use more efficient technologies than have been employed in the past?
 What is required, first and foremost, are market-based incentives to induce 
Americans to use less energy and to produce more energy in ways that emit less 
carbon. But Bush has neither eliminated massive subsidies to the oil industry 
(though, fortunately, the Democratic Congress may take action) nor provided 
adequate incentives for conservation. Even his call for energy independence 
should be seen for what it is – a new rationale for old corporate subsidies.
 A policy that entails draining America’s limited oil supplies – I call it 
“drain America first” – will leave the US even more dependent on foreign oil. 
The US imposes a tariff of more than 50 cents per gallon on sugar-based ethanol 
from Brazil, but subsidizes inefficient corn-based American ethanol heavily – 
indeed , it requires more than a gallon of gasoline to fertilize, harvest, 
transport, process, and distill corn to yield one gallon of ethanol.
 As the world’s largest polluter, accounting for roughly a quarter of global 
carbon emissions, America’s reluctance to do more is perhaps understandable, if 
not forgivable. But claims by Bush that America cannot afford to do anything 
about global warming ring hollow: other advanced industrial countries with 
comparable standards of living emit only a fraction of what the US emits per 
dollar of GDP.
 As a result, American firms with access to cheap energy are given a big 
competitive advantage over firms in Europe and elsewhere. Some in Europe worry 
that stringent action on global warming may be counterproductive: 
energy-intensive industries may simply move to the US or other countries that 
pay little attention to emissions. And there is more than a grain of truth to 
these concerns.
 A striking fact about climate change is that there is little overlap between 
the countries that are most vulnerable to its effects – mainly poor countries 
in the South that can ill afford to deal with the consequences – and the 
countries, like the US, that are the largest polluters. What is at stake 

[mediacare] The Changing Climate On Climate Change (J.E. Stiglitz)

2007-02-12 Terurut Topik sidqy suyitno
The Changing Climate On Climate Change
Joseph E. Stiglitz
 
The message, it seems, has finally gotten through: global warming represents a 
serious threat to our planet. At the recent World Economic Forum in Davos, 
world leaders saw climate change, for the first time, topping the list of 
global concerns.
Europe and Japan have shown their commitment to reduce global warming by 
imposing costs on themselves and their producers, even if it places them at a 
competitive disadvantage. The biggest obstacle until now has been the United 
States. The Clinton administration had called for bold action as far back as 
1993, proposing what was in effect a tax on carbon emissions; but an alliance 
of polluters, led by the coal, oil, and auto industries beat back this 
initiative.
To the scientific community, the evidence on climate change has, of course, 
been overwhelming for more than a decade and a half. I participated in the 
second assessment of the scientific evidence conducted by the Intergovernmental 
Panel on Climate Change, which perhaps made one critical mistake: it 
underestimated the pace at which global warming was occurring. The Fourth 
Assessment, which was just issued, confirms the mounting evidence and the 
increasing conviction that global warming is the result of the increase in 
greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.
The increased pace of warming reflects the impact of complex non-linear factors 
and a variety of “tipping points” that can result in acceleration of the 
process. For instance, as the Arctic ice cap melts, less sunlight is reflected. 
Seemingly dramatic changes in weather patterns – including the melting of 
glaciers in Greenland and the thawing of the Siberian permafrost – have at last 
convinced most business leaders that the time for action is now.
Recently, even President Bush seems to have woken up. But a closer look at what 
he is doing, and not doing, shows clearly that he has mostly heard the call of 
his campaign contributors from the oil and coal industries, and that he has 
once again put their interests over the global interest in reducing emissions. 
If he were truly concerned about global warming, how could he have endorsed the 
construction of coal-fired electricity plants, even if those plants use more 
efficient technologies than have been employed in the past?
What is required, first and foremost, are market-based incentives to induce 
Americans to use less energy and to produce more energy in ways that emit less 
carbon. But Bush has neither eliminated massive subsidies to the oil industry 
(though, fortunately, the Democratic Congress may take action) nor provided 
adequate incentives for conservation. Even his call for energy independence 
should be seen for what it is – a new rationale for old corporate subsidies.
A policy that entails draining America’s limited oil supplies – I call it 
“drain America first” – will leave the US even more dependent on foreign oil. 
The US imposes a tariff of more than 50 cents per gallon on sugar-based ethanol 
from Brazil, but subsidizes inefficient corn-based American ethanol heavily – 
indeed , it requires more than a gallon of gasoline to fertilize, harvest, 
transport, process, and distill corn to yield one gallon of ethanol.
As the world’s largest polluter, accounting for roughly a quarter of global 
carbon emissions, America’s reluctance to do more is perhaps understandable, if 
not forgivable. But claims by Bush that America cannot afford to do anything 
about global warming ring hollow: other advanced industrial countries with 
comparable standards of living emit only a fraction of what the US emits per 
dollar of GDP.
As a result, American firms with access to cheap energy are given a big 
competitive advantage over firms in Europe and elsewhere. Some in Europe worry 
that stringent action on global warming may be counterproductive: 
energy-intensive industries may simply move to the US or other countries that 
pay little attention to emissions. And there is more than a grain of truth to 
these concerns.
A striking fact about climate change is that there is little overlap between 
the countries that are most vulnerable to its effects – mainly poor countries 
in the South that can ill afford to deal with the consequences – and the 
countries, like the US, that are the largest polluters. What is at stake is in 
part a moral issue, a matter of global social justice.
The Kyoto Protocol represented the international community’s attempt to begin 
to deal with global warming in a fair and efficient way. But it left out a 
majority of the sources of emissions, and unless something is done to include 
the US and the developing countries in a meaningful way, it will be little more 
than a symbolic gesture. There needs to be a new “coalition of the willing,” 
this time perhaps led by Europe – and this time directed at a real danger.
This “coalition of the willing” could agree to certain basic standards: to 
forego building