Re: Gramsci nettime-l Digest, Vol 132, Issue 6

2018-09-11 Thread ari

Both are non sequitur, Alex.

1. No reason I should attack Stuart Hall. In fact, he's produced much 
that is both useful and open, for instance: 
https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/Documents/college-artslaw/history/cccs/stencilled-occasional-papers/1to8and11to24and38to48/SOP01.pdf


2. I have not talked about fables but point taken, I should have 
prefixed political economy with "critique of" - I thought it was 
obvious. As for the breadth and scope of it, there's a great series by 
Marx I'd recommend.


Thanks for the book recommendation, Orsan.

I agree with you, Matze.

On Tue, 11 Sep 2018 13:08:37 +0200, Alex Foti wrote:

your caricature of gramsci's postwar reception should then also
include an attack on Stuart Hall and any kind of cultural Marxism.
Also i would like to know what is this fabled political economy that
we should never violate - the falling rate of profit?

On Tue, Sep 11, 2018 at 12:52 PM, ari  wrote:

I never got this argument.
Gramsci was an open Marxist, thus open to the abuse of all the 
closed
Marxists around. He kept his ear to the ground and during the rise 
of
Fascism, he was quite isolated and marginalised by his contemporary 
closed

Marxists because, amongst other things, he was trying to seriously
understand the phenomenon without jumping to facile conclusions 
about the
working class and its true destiny or false consciousness. He could 
see well
that there was no true destiny: the revolution didn't happen, or 
rather, a
revolution was happening, but not of the sort Marxists like him 
wished for.
And all their careful work of political agitation was ultimately 
serving the
wrong causes. But analytically, Gramsci was in agreement with Lenin 
that all
you have is class formations. Nothing is static or prefigured. 
Everything

historical. This earned him enemies from both sides, but the genuine
sensitivity to changing subjects around him also earned him 
followers on the
ground. There is no notion of hegemony, in Gramsci, that isn't 
rooted in

class.
Jump from the 1930s to the 1980s and you have the Laclau and Mouffe
travesty. The pair put forward their celebration of identity 
politics on the

back of this open Marxist. What I am reading wherever I see this
evisceration of Gramsci's notion of hegemony is really a commentary 
on
Laclau and Mouffe. I can join critics of Laclau and Mouffe anytime. 
They
were useless to Marxism and quite pernicious influences on the new 
left,
precisely for allowing all considerations on the political economy 
of class
formation to fall out of view and interest. But when I see their 
ugly
painting of Gramsci as a post-class cultural theorists I must 
object. There

is no such thing.




Today's Topics:

   1. Re: Quick Review.. (Florian Cramer)
   2. Re: Quick Review.. (David Garcia)




--

Message: 1
Date: Tue, 11 Sep 2018 00:58:33 +0200
From: Florian Cramer 
To: Brian Holmes 
Cc: a moderated mailing list for net criticism

Subject: Re:  Quick Review..
Message-ID:



Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"

Thanks, David - as I said in the discussion in Berlin, Stewart and 
I ended

up
in a weird place where we practically taught the "Alt-Right" its 
own

history.
One shouldn't read too much into its grasp of Gramsci though. This 
is what

Milo
Yiannopolous wrote about him in the original manuscript of his book
'Dangerous' (that Simon & Schuster ended up not publishing):

And so, in the 1920s, the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci decided 
that the
time had come for a new form of revolution -- one based on culture, 
not
class. According to Gramsci, the reason why the proletariat had 
failed to
rise up was because old, conservative ideas like loyalty to one's 
country,

family values, and religion held too much sway in working-class
communities.
If that sounds familiar to Obama's comment about guns and religion, 
that's
because it should. His line of thinking, as we shall see, is 
directly
descended from the ideological tradition of Gramsci. Gramsci argued 
that

as
a
precursor to revolution, the old traditions of the west -- or the
'cultural
hegemony,' as he called it -- would have to be systematically 
broken down.

To
do so, Gramsci argued that "proletarian" intellectuals should seek 
to
challenge the dominance of traditionalism in education and the 
media, and

create a new revolutionary culture. Gramsci's ideas would prove
phenomenally
influential. If you've ever wondered why forced to take diversity 
or

gender
studies courses at university, or why your professors all seem to 
hate
western civilization ... Well ' ..new you knew who to blame 
Gramsci.


(Because of the lawsuit, the manuscript is publicly available here:



https://www.dropbox.com/s/bjc0n5dll244o2w/Milo%20Y%20book%20with%20edits.pdf?dl=0
)
-F
--


#  distributed via : no commercial use without permission
#is a moderated mailing list for net criticism,
#  collaborative text filtering and cultural 

Re: Gramsci nettime-l Digest, Vol 132, Issue 6

2018-09-11 Thread Alex Foti
your caricature of gramsci's postwar reception should then also
include an attack on Stuart Hall and any kind of cultural Marxism.
Also i would like to know what is this fabled political economy that
we should never violate - the falling rate of profit?

On Tue, Sep 11, 2018 at 12:52 PM, ari  wrote:
> I never got this argument.
> Gramsci was an open Marxist, thus open to the abuse of all the closed
> Marxists around. He kept his ear to the ground and during the rise of
> Fascism, he was quite isolated and marginalised by his contemporary closed
> Marxists because, amongst other things, he was trying to seriously
> understand the phenomenon without jumping to facile conclusions about the
> working class and its true destiny or false consciousness. He could see well
> that there was no true destiny: the revolution didn't happen, or rather, a
> revolution was happening, but not of the sort Marxists like him wished for.
> And all their careful work of political agitation was ultimately serving the
> wrong causes. But analytically, Gramsci was in agreement with Lenin that all
> you have is class formations. Nothing is static or prefigured. Everything
> historical. This earned him enemies from both sides, but the genuine
> sensitivity to changing subjects around him also earned him followers on the
> ground. There is no notion of hegemony, in Gramsci, that isn't rooted in
> class.
> Jump from the 1930s to the 1980s and you have the Laclau and Mouffe
> travesty. The pair put forward their celebration of identity politics on the
> back of this open Marxist. What I am reading wherever I see this
> evisceration of Gramsci's notion of hegemony is really a commentary on
> Laclau and Mouffe. I can join critics of Laclau and Mouffe anytime. They
> were useless to Marxism and quite pernicious influences on the new left,
> precisely for allowing all considerations on the political economy of class
> formation to fall out of view and interest. But when I see their ugly
> painting of Gramsci as a post-class cultural theorists I must object. There
> is no such thing.
>
>
>>
>> Today's Topics:
>>
>>1. Re: Quick Review.. (Florian Cramer)
>>2. Re: Quick Review.. (David Garcia)
>>
>>
>>
>> --
>>
>> Message: 1
>> Date: Tue, 11 Sep 2018 00:58:33 +0200
>> From: Florian Cramer 
>> To: Brian Holmes 
>> Cc: a moderated mailing list for net criticism
>> 
>> Subject: Re:  Quick Review..
>> Message-ID:
>>
>> 
>> Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
>>
>> Thanks, David - as I said in the discussion in Berlin, Stewart and I ended
>> up
>> in a weird place where we practically taught the "Alt-Right" its own
>> history.
>> One shouldn't read too much into its grasp of Gramsci though. This is what
>> Milo
>> Yiannopolous wrote about him in the original manuscript of his book
>> 'Dangerous' (that Simon & Schuster ended up not publishing):
>>
>> And so, in the 1920s, the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci decided that the
>> time had come for a new form of revolution -- one based on culture, not
>> class. According to Gramsci, the reason why the proletariat had failed to
>> rise up was because old, conservative ideas like loyalty to one's country,
>> family values, and religion held too much sway in working-class
>> communities.
>> If that sounds familiar to Obama's comment about guns and religion, that's
>> because it should. His line of thinking, as we shall see, is directly
>> descended from the ideological tradition of Gramsci. Gramsci argued that
>> as
>> a
>> precursor to revolution, the old traditions of the west -- or the
>> 'cultural
>> hegemony,' as he called it -- would have to be systematically broken down.
>> To
>> do so, Gramsci argued that "proletarian" intellectuals should seek to
>> challenge the dominance of traditionalism in education and the media, and
>> create a new revolutionary culture. Gramsci's ideas would prove
>> phenomenally
>> influential. If you've ever wondered why forced to take diversity or
>> gender
>> studies courses at university, or why your professors all seem to hate
>> western civilization ... Well ' ..new you knew who to blame Gramsci.
>>
>> (Because of the lawsuit, the manuscript is publicly available here:
>>
>>
>> https://www.dropbox.com/s/bjc0n5dll244o2w/Milo%20Y%20book%20with%20edits.pdf?dl=0
>> )
>> -F
>> --
>>
> #  distributed via : no commercial use without permission
> #is a moderated mailing list for net criticism,
> #  collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets
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Re: Gramsci nettime-l Digest, Vol 132, Issue 6

2018-09-11 Thread Örsan Şenalp
just a footnote:

This book just came out. Marx and Russia: The Fate of a Doctrine. It is
also about Gramsci's contribution, at least about the roots of his theory
of ideology, consciousness, and cultural revolution. The book fills the
most important crack in near history:
https://www.amazon.com/Marx-Russia-Doctrine-Bloomsbury-History/dp/1474224067

best

On Tue, 11 Sep 2018 at 12:53, ari  wrote:

>  I never got this argument.
>  Gramsci was an open Marxist, thus open to the abuse of all the closed
>  Marxists around. He kept his ear to the ground and during the rise of
>  Fascism, he was quite isolated and marginalised by his contemporary
>  closed Marxists because, amongst other things, he was trying to
>  seriously understand the phenomenon without jumping to facile
>  conclusions about the working class and its true destiny or false
>  consciousness. He could see well that there was no true destiny: the
>  revolution didn't happen, or rather, a revolution was happening, but not
>  of the sort Marxists like him wished for. And all their careful work of
>  political agitation was ultimately serving the wrong causes. But
>  analytically, Gramsci was in agreement with Lenin that all you have is
>  class formations. Nothing is static or prefigured. Everything
>  historical. This earned him enemies from both sides, but the genuine
>  sensitivity to changing subjects around him also earned him followers on
>  the ground. There is no notion of hegemony, in Gramsci, that isn't
>  rooted in class.
>  Jump from the 1930s to the 1980s and you have the Laclau and Mouffe
>  travesty. The pair put forward their celebration of identity politics on
>  the back of this open Marxist. What I am reading wherever I see this
>  evisceration of Gramsci's notion of hegemony is really a commentary on
>  Laclau and Mouffe. I can join critics of Laclau and Mouffe anytime. They
>  were useless to Marxism and quite pernicious influences on the new left,
>  precisely for allowing all considerations on the political economy of
>  class formation to fall out of view and interest. But when I see their
>  ugly painting of Gramsci as a post-class cultural theorists I must
>  object. There is no such thing.
>
>
> >
> > Today's Topics:
> >
> >1. Re: Quick Review.. (Florian Cramer)
> >2. Re: Quick Review.. (David Garcia)
> >
> >
> >
> > --
> >
> > Message: 1
> > Date: Tue, 11 Sep 2018 00:58:33 +0200
> > From: Florian Cramer 
> > To: Brian Holmes 
> > Cc: a moderated mailing list for net criticism
> >   
> > Subject: Re:  Quick Review..
> > Message-ID:
> >   <
> cadcyihqamjs1sngy00odb4ickenw+-rx2esboezxbuz6jhw...@mail.gmail.com>
> > Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
> >
> > Thanks, David - as I said in the discussion in Berlin, Stewart and I
> > ended
> > up
> > in a weird place where we practically taught the "Alt-Right" its own
> > history.
> > One shouldn't read too much into its grasp of Gramsci though. This is
> > what
> > Milo
> > Yiannopolous wrote about him in the original manuscript of his book
> > 'Dangerous' (that Simon & Schuster ended up not publishing):
> >
> > And so, in the 1920s, the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci decided
> > that the
> > time had come for a new form of revolution -- one based on culture,
> > not
> > class. According to Gramsci, the reason why the proletariat had
> > failed to
> > rise up was because old, conservative ideas like loyalty to one's
> > country,
> > family values, and religion held too much sway in working-class
> > communities.
> > If that sounds familiar to Obama's comment about guns and religion,
> > that's
> > because it should. His line of thinking, as we shall see, is directly
> > descended from the ideological tradition of Gramsci. Gramsci argued
> > that as
> > a
> > precursor to revolution, the old traditions of the west -- or the
> > 'cultural
> > hegemony,' as he called it -- would have to be systematically broken
> > down.
> > To
> > do so, Gramsci argued that "proletarian" intellectuals should seek to
> > challenge the dominance of traditionalism in education and the media,
> > and
> > create a new revolutionary culture. Gramsci's ideas would prove
> > phenomenally
> > influential. If you've ever wondered why forced to take diversity or
> > gender
> > studies courses at university, or why your professors all seem to
> > hate
> > western civilization ... Well ' ..new you knew who to blame Gramsci.
> >
> > (Because of the lawsuit, the manuscript is publicly available here:
> >
> >
> https://www.dropbox.com/s/bjc0n5dll244o2w/Milo%20Y%20book%20with%20edits.pdf?dl=0
> > )
> > -F
> > --
> >
> #  distributed via : no commercial use without permission
> #is a moderated mailing list for net criticism,
> #  collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets
> #  more info: http://mx.kein.org/mailman/listinfo/nettime-l
> #  archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nett...@kein.org
> #  

Re: Gramsci nettime-l Digest, Vol 132, Issue 6

2018-09-11 Thread ari

I never got this argument.
Gramsci was an open Marxist, thus open to the abuse of all the closed 
Marxists around. He kept his ear to the ground and during the rise of 
Fascism, he was quite isolated and marginalised by his contemporary 
closed Marxists because, amongst other things, he was trying to 
seriously understand the phenomenon without jumping to facile 
conclusions about the working class and its true destiny or false 
consciousness. He could see well that there was no true destiny: the 
revolution didn't happen, or rather, a revolution was happening, but not 
of the sort Marxists like him wished for. And all their careful work of 
political agitation was ultimately serving the wrong causes. But 
analytically, Gramsci was in agreement with Lenin that all you have is 
class formations. Nothing is static or prefigured. Everything 
historical. This earned him enemies from both sides, but the genuine 
sensitivity to changing subjects around him also earned him followers on 
the ground. There is no notion of hegemony, in Gramsci, that isn't 
rooted in class.
Jump from the 1930s to the 1980s and you have the Laclau and Mouffe 
travesty. The pair put forward their celebration of identity politics on 
the back of this open Marxist. What I am reading wherever I see this 
evisceration of Gramsci's notion of hegemony is really a commentary on 
Laclau and Mouffe. I can join critics of Laclau and Mouffe anytime. They 
were useless to Marxism and quite pernicious influences on the new left, 
precisely for allowing all considerations on the political economy of 
class formation to fall out of view and interest. But when I see their 
ugly painting of Gramsci as a post-class cultural theorists I must 
object. There is no such thing.





Today's Topics:

   1. Re: Quick Review.. (Florian Cramer)
   2. Re: Quick Review.. (David Garcia)



--

Message: 1
Date: Tue, 11 Sep 2018 00:58:33 +0200
From: Florian Cramer 
To: Brian Holmes 
Cc: a moderated mailing list for net criticism

Subject: Re:  Quick Review..
Message-ID:

Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"

Thanks, David - as I said in the discussion in Berlin, Stewart and I 
ended

up
in a weird place where we practically taught the "Alt-Right" its own
history.
One shouldn't read too much into its grasp of Gramsci though. This is 
what

Milo
Yiannopolous wrote about him in the original manuscript of his book
'Dangerous' (that Simon & Schuster ended up not publishing):

And so, in the 1920s, the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci decided 
that the
time had come for a new form of revolution -- one based on culture, 
not
class. According to Gramsci, the reason why the proletariat had 
failed to
rise up was because old, conservative ideas like loyalty to one's 
country,
family values, and religion held too much sway in working-class 
communities.
If that sounds familiar to Obama's comment about guns and religion, 
that's

because it should. His line of thinking, as we shall see, is directly
descended from the ideological tradition of Gramsci. Gramsci argued 
that as

a
precursor to revolution, the old traditions of the west -- or the 
'cultural
hegemony,' as he called it -- would have to be systematically broken 
down.

To
do so, Gramsci argued that "proletarian" intellectuals should seek to
challenge the dominance of traditionalism in education and the media, 
and
create a new revolutionary culture. Gramsci's ideas would prove 
phenomenally
influential. If you've ever wondered why forced to take diversity or 
gender
studies courses at university, or why your professors all seem to 
hate

western civilization ... Well ' ..new you knew who to blame Gramsci.

(Because of the lawsuit, the manuscript is publicly available here:

https://www.dropbox.com/s/bjc0n5dll244o2w/Milo%20Y%20book%20with%20edits.pdf?dl=0
)
-F
--


#  distributed via : no commercial use without permission
#is a moderated mailing list for net criticism,
#  collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets
#  more info: http://mx.kein.org/mailman/listinfo/nettime-l
#  archive: http://www.nettime.org contact: nett...@kein.org
#  @nettime_bot tweets mail w/ sender unless #ANON is in Subject: