Here, in a nutshell, is everything that's wrong with "election 
reform" as understood
by Democrats in Washington. As you'll see from this piece in the 
National Journal,
those would-be reformers are all flying blind, with eyes wide shut to what has
actually been happening to the voters in this country.

In their universe, for example, those millions who couldn't register 
to vote last year
were the victims of mere administrative cluelessness and antiquated practices--
not the victims of a DoJ that had been purging voter rolls of 
Democats from coast
to coast, or of party operatives who had dumped names of Democrats from voter
rolls, or of operatives who had disfranchised countless other Democrats through
voter caging. (All of this has been precisely documented.) In short, 
the reformers
fail to note, or won't allow themselves to see, the flagrant partisan 
dimension to the
problem; and so they cannot even start to solve it.

Unable, or refusing, to perceive that it's the Bush Republicans who 
have subverted
our elections, the "reformers" also can't or won't acknowledge that 
the voting systems
now in place are there to help keep Democrats (and Independents) out of power.
So they believe that there is nothing wrong with the computerized 
voting systems
that are, by now, used nearly everywhere--systems that are manufactured and
maintained (at vast expense) by private companies owned and run by highly
partisan Republicans; and that, necessarily, conduct their 
vote-counts secretly;
and that are highly insecure and eminently hackable. (It's notable--and cause
for celebration--that the highest court in Germany has lately ruled against
the use of computerized systems in elections.)

That those machines--both DRE's and op-scans--are in general use today
(processing roughly 92% of US ballots) is a predicament deliberately created by
the Help America Vote Act (HAVA), which was drafted by Rep. Bob Ney (R-OH),
a  close confederate of Jack Abramoff (whose money-laundering appears 
to have been
dedicated mainly to providing funds to help the party steal 
elections). It was a dreadful
piece of legislation, and ought to be repealed ASAP; but its grave 
flaws are quite
invisible to the "reformers," who see it merely as a half-step forward:

"Despite some improvements since Congress approved 
the <http://www.fec.gov/hava/hava.htm>Help America Vote Act
in 2002, last year's election pointed up the chronic problems 
that <http://www.nationaljournal.com/njonline/rg_20081110_1139.php>continue 
to plague
American voting."

What are those "improvements"? The article doesn't say. And what of HAVA's
ill effects? The article does not acknowledge them, but moves on 
quickly to those
"chronic problems" that HAVA was presumably devised to solve, when it was
HAVA that either caused them or made them worse than ever.

Seeing nothing wrong with HAVA, these "reformers" also have no problems
with e-voting--and so are now promoting on-line registration as a way to help
those disenfranchised millions to reclaim their voting rights. But 
that idea is just
as dangerous as the notion, also lately floated, of having military 
personnel (and
others) vote on-line: a(nother) terrible idea, because the Internet 
is far too insecure
a medium for such a vital civic institution as elections.

However, there is one point the "reformers" do get right, and that's 
the need for
solid data to help guide all efforts to protect our voting rights and 
make American
elections accurate, secure and fair (efforts, certainly, that must 
also entail campaign
finance reform--and media reform). In the article below, Doug Chapin of the
Pew Center for the States, and Yale law professor Heather Gerken, 
both stress the
need to base our rerform efforts on a sound empirical basis.

And yet, as far as they're concerned, the stream of valid "data" is 
extremely thin,
since "data" means, in their eyes, only certain numbers. So they do 
take note of
all those millions who had trouble registering to vote last year--but 
not the fact
that nearly all of them were Democrats, or that the DoJ had been 
conducting voter
purges nationwide in Democratic precincts only, or that voter caging, 
by Republicans,
had been conducted openly for years; or (to move away from 
registration woes per se)
that, nationwide, there were crippling shortages of e-voting machines 
in Democratic
precincts only, leading to long, long lines; or that both DRE's and 
op-scans were
malfunctioning primarily in Democratic areas. Apparently, the evidence of such
irregularities (and others)--news articles, and updates from election monitors,
and tens of thousands of firsthand reports from citizens themselves--somehow
don't count as "data" relevant to what we must now do to make the system
function as it ought to in a democractic country.

The fact is that the Democrats, and those presumed reformers working with them,
cannot really be expected to arrive at real reform--because they all 
have earnestly
supported the Republicans' "reforms" since BushCo first proposed them in 2001.
Although drafted by Republicans, and massively advantaging the GOP, HAVA
got a lot of Democratic votes in Congress, and was also loudly championed by
the same big liberal groups (Common Cause, PFAW, et al.) that now are lining
up to back still more "reforms" that either won't change anything, or that will
make things even worse.

So what's up with the Democratic Party, and its liberal allies? Do they want
the people in command? How much of their blindness comes from mere denial
of the obvious (this being America, where such things as election fraud don't
happen)? No doubt quite a lot. But how much of that blindness also stems from
mere corruption, as Democratic politicians also have their pockets stuffed by
players like Premier/Diebold and ES&S? No doubt quite a lot. But is not that
stubborn blindness also based, in part, on a reluctance to offend that party's
corporate donors? There's no doubt about it; for the Democratic Party, like
the GOP, is largely owned by interests that do not want any democratic
interference with their plans. The last thing that they want, in other words,
is any of the change that most Americans--and by majorities far larger
than we think--voted for just months ago. (It is to keep those interests
happy that the Democrats have also rigged elections--not to beat
Republicans, however, but to thwart Independents, and those Democrats
who threaten real reform: i.e., those running from the party's left.)

What the Democratic Party, and its liberal allies, seem to want, then, is
a system managed from the top. Although the article below does not
name any one of HAVA's putative "improvements," it's likely that one
such "improvement" would, in the eyes of the "reformers," be the act's
establishment of the Election Assistance Commission (EAC): a federal
body, its members appointed by the president, and empowered to have
the final say on election matters overall. (The EAC's authority has been
increasing quietly since HAVA's passage.) And the "reformers" have
been hinting at the need for greater federal control--a move that would
do far less to enhance the power of We the People than to tighten up the
stranglehold of both the parties and their biggest funders. And that is a
"reform" that we don't need.

What we do need is an honest look at what's been going on these last
eight years: a vast coup run by an extremist GOP, which variously stole
its power both in the White House and in Congress--while the Democrats,
with very few exceptions, sat there whistling (some of them no doubt aware,
and others just refusing to perceive, that they were really whistling "Dixie").
We need to look deep into who did what for the Republicans, and how
they did it; and we need to ask those Democrats to tell us why they have
refused even to talk about it, much less deal with it. (Obama has consistently
been one of them.) Only then will we be able to start talking realistically
about the real reforms that must be put in place; and if we don't start talking
now, the next Election Day may hold some nasty shocks for most of us, and
bring on even harder times for all of us.

MCM

RULES OF THE GAME

Voting Reform Gets New Life

Schumer's Letter To Holder Shows Congress Is Serious, Advocates Say

by <mailto:ecar...@nationaljournal.com>Eliza Newlin Carney

Monday, April 13, 2009

<http://www.nationaljournal.com/njonline/rulesofthegame.php>National 
Journal Online - Voting Reform Gets New Life

In the wake of a landmark survey showing that registration problems 
blocked as many as 3 million eligible voters from casting ballots 
last November, lawmakers on Capitol Hill are hunting once again for 
ways to fix the broken election system.

The most likely targets for legislative action this year are voter 
registration and the obstacles that snarl the absentee ballot process 
for millions 
of 
<http://www.pewtrusts.org/uploadedFiles/wwwpewtrustsorg/Reports/Election_reform/NTTV_Report_Web.pdf>military
 
and overseas voters. There's also growing interest in collecting 
better data to measure how well states run their elections, using 
yardsticks and performance rankings.

Voter registration, which emerged as the No. 1 problem hampering 
voters last year, will top the list. Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., 
who took over in January as chair of the Senate Rules and 
Administration Committee, plans to introduce a bill to revamp the 
voter registration system later this year.

"Democrats believe it is too hard for people to register and vote; 
Republicans believe it is too easy to register and vote 
fraudulently," Schumer told National Journal. "There may be a way to 
solve both problems simultaneously through new technology and forge a 
better bipartisan solution."

Schumer signaled his interest in voter registration last week, when 
he called on the Justice Department to sue states that fail to comply 
with a federal law governing how voter registration materials are 
disseminated. The 
1993 <http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/voting/42usc/subch_ih.php#anchor_1973gg>National 
Voter Registration Act requires agencies that administer food stamps 
and unemployment benefits to also hand out voter registration 
materials, 
Schumer <http://schumer.senate.gov/new_website/record.cfm?id=311271>wrote 
in a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder, but many fail to do so.

"That alone shows that voter registration is high on his agenda," 
noted J. Gerald Hebert, executive director of the Campaign Legal 
Center.

A hearing on voter registration last month before Schumer's Rules 
Committee was the first in what will be a series of hearings on 
election issues, including the ballot problems facing military and 
overseas voters. Two House panels also have held hearings recently on 
lessons learned from the 2008 election, and Rep. Zoe Lofgren, 
D-Calif., on March 
26 <http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d111:h.r.01719:>introduced 
a bill that would allow eligible citizens to register and to update 
their voter registrations online.

Despite some improvements since Congress approved 
the <http://www.fec.gov/hava/hava.htm>Help America Vote Act in 2002, 
last year's election pointed up the chronic problems 
that <http://www.nationaljournal.com/njonline/rg_20081110_1139.php>continue 
to plague American voting. These turn out to have been even worse 
than many commentators concluded at the time, according to the 
landmark 
2008 
<http://www.pewcenteronthestates.org/uploadedFiles/Final%20report20090218.pdf>Survey
 
of the Performance of American Elections.

Conducted by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the survey 
found that in addition to as many as 3 million voters turned away due 
to registration problems, roughly 2.2 million registered voters were 
excluded for lack of proper identification; 1.9 million could not 
find their polling place; and 2.6 million left because of long lines.

"It's the first really good, empirical read we've had on these 
questions," said Yale Law School professor Heather Gerken, whose 
recent book, The Democracy Index, calls for a ranking system to 
measure how well elections are run state by state. "And it turns out 
that everything that was said about the 2008 election was wrong."

Gerken's argument that states should methodically collect election 
administration data, and should be subject to performance rankings, 
attracted attention on Capitol Hill in the previous Congress. 
Then-Sens. Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton both called for 
performance rankings in separate bills, and Congress set aside $10 
million in a fiscal 2008 supplemental appropriations bill for pilot 
projects to improve data collection in five states.

"Election administration is a world without data," Gerken said at 
a 
<http://www.brookings.edu/%7E/media/Files/events/2009/0407_us_election_system/20090407_us_election_system.pdf>Brookings
 
Institution forum last week on her Democracy Index proposal. "One out 
of five states can't even tell you how many people showed up on 
Election Day."

State data collection methods are so spotty and inconsistent, 
said Doug Chapin, director of election initiatives at the Pew Center 
on the States, that it can be hard to even assess which election 
problems most need fixing.

"Until we have the data, in many ways we're flying blind on the 
solutions," he noted. The Pew Center called for improving 
measurements of election performance in a conference titled "Data for 
Democracy" in December. More recently, Pew has been working with a 
handful of state and local election officials on finding ways to 
apply the Democracy Index in their own jurisdictions.

"We're trying to help states think through not only what they'd like 
to do, but what they're able to do in the field of database or 
evidence-based reform," said Chapin.

Pew has already produced its own mini-rankings of states in areas 
such as military and overseas voting. A 
January 
<http://www.pewtrusts.org/uploadedFiles/wwwpewtrustsorg/Reports/Election_reform/NTTV_Report_Web.pdf>Pew
 
report on the challenges facing overseas military voters detailed 
problems state by state, prompting some lower-performing states to 
contact Pew for help. Ranking states nationally on such things as 
their success registering voters and counting ballots would similarly 
shame election administrators into seeking fixes, Gerken maintains.

Congress has a full plate, of course, and the absence of a full-blown 
crisis in the last election threatens to push voting system changes 
to the back burner. But as the MIT report illustrates, the more 
lawmakers learn about the problems plaguing the nation's voting 
system, the harder those problems become to ignore.
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