[PEN-L:11223] (Fwd) (Fwd) An appeal

1997-07-09 Thread Ajit Sinha


Dear Ajit,

You may not remember my friend ela from D. school, Sanjoy Ghose is 
her brother and an old acquaintance of mine. Can you please circulate 
this message on your various discussion groups? regards,
sanjay

An Appeal 
For the Release of Sanjoy Ghose

We the undersigned are deeply distressed and concerned over the abduction 
of Sanjoy Ghose,  social worker,  by suspected ULFA militants in Upper 
Assam on Friday 4th July 1997.  Sanjoy was abducted along with Chandra 
Doley, a colleague  from their place of work in Bongaon on Majuli Islands 
in the Brahmaputra. Chandra Doley after being roughed up escaped from the 
abductors and returned the next day. A graduate from the  Institute of 
Rural Management, Anand (IRMA), Sanjoy Ghose  for the last year and half 
was involved with the setting up and running the Association of Voluntary 
Agencies for Rural Development ( AVARD ) North East.  

From 1986 to 1995 Sanjoy did pioneering work in Western Rajasthan. He set 
up URMUL Trust in 1986 in  Bikaner with the chief objective of  
empowering the local people to address their own development needs. By 
1995, URMUL expanded into a network of organisations addressing the 
concerns of the poor in the districts of  Bikaner, Jodhpur and Jaisalmer 
in western Rajasthan. Sanjoy's activities in the field were matched by 
the writer in him who wrote extensively and spiritedly on development 
issues. Sanjoy was one of the first to realise the need for media 
advocacy for the NGOs and struggle based groups, and established CHARKHA 
as an interface between NGOs and the mainstream media. 

It was the same pioneering spirit that took him to the Majuli Islands in 
upper Assam along with Shumita a women's activist and also his wife and 
Dr. Sunil Kaul who after having resigned from the Indian army chose 
to work  as a health worker in the rural areas. In the course of the last 
year and a half  Sanjoy and his team established an excellent rapport 
with the local community especially the women and the youth. They became 
an inspiration for the young adults on the Islands who joined them in 
attending to the needs of the community.  They motivated the community to 
volunteer labour for various activities, including checking soil erosion 
on the island.  They were also involved in initiating a continuous 
dialogue on "Development" with voluntary organisations and individuals 
from most of the North East states. 

More significantly, the local community began to ask uncomfortable 
questions not only of those who had grown rich by skimming  off the money 
meant for the development of the poor, but also of the prevailing gun 
culture.When a series of anonymous but slanderous allegations began to be 
raised against AVARD-NE, the Majuli group decided to hold a public 
meeting and audit of all development works in the area. The meeting on 
June 1, 1997 was very well attended and opinions were expressed openly by 
a cross section of society. The vested interests and militant outfits 
were obviously affected by this process..  

There can be no justification  for abducting an individual who was 
initiating a process of dialogue and debate of even the works and efforts 
initiated by the organisation he represented. We appeal to the conscience 
of the ULFA militants and urge them to release Sanjoy Ghose immediately.

We express our solidarity and extend our moral support to Shumita, the 
AVARD- NE team and the women and youth who have been urging ULFA 
militants to release Sanjoy. 

This appeal is from friends of Sanjoy Ghose in Rajasthan. Please 
circulate it as widely as possible and send the signed copy to newspapers 
and to AVARD- NE  at P. O. Box 91, Jorhat 785001, Assam, India .Tele/fax 
: 0376-325528. 
Majuli camp office telephone no : 03775- 3451.  E.mail: Sanjoy@ 
avard.unv.ernet.in  


Name
Organisation
Signature































































































































[PEN-L:11221] on CEO Pay

1997-07-09 Thread PHILLPS

I must admit I am a little suprised that Pen-l-ers would be
debating this issue in terms of neoclassical marginal
productivity.  This is the equivalent of arguing, what is
the marginal productivity of a mugger? (i.e. someone who has
market power because of some non-market force.)
  The moment one moves to a non-neoclassic frameworke (as Jim D
suggests) then the problem is "solved".  There is a surplus
distribution problem.  This is not a market problem, but a power
problem. (Why is it that non-neoclassical economists avoid the
issue of power?)  One can utilize rent theory to justify the
resulting justification.  But, if we were honest, that is really
crap.  Let us put it a different way, what is the mp of
a crime king (and are CEOs really different?)

And on a different stream, a colleague of mine posted a
document documenting horrendous war crimes against the Unites
States  Government, specifically with regard to the use of
biological warfare against Cuba.  Yet, despite the level of
despisity (is that a word) of the offense, not one member
of this list from the US has responded.  Comment?

Paul Phillips,
Economics,
University of Manitoba





[PEN-L:11219] Re: on CEO Pay

1997-07-09 Thread Michael Perelman

Yesterday, I mentioned an event study approach, looking at the
executives who get higher pay while their companies perform more poorly.

Today, I would like to take note of another perversity.  Now that
universities are becoming more like other corporations, university
presidents are commanding corporate-like salaries.  I challenge anyone
to find any marginal productivity in their performance.  At best, they
are marginally productive.
-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929
 
Tel. 916-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]





[PEN-L:11217] Re: on CEO Pay

1997-07-09 Thread James Michael Craven

 
 At 08:47 AM 7/9/97 -0700, James Michael Craven wrote:  [SNIP]
 purported CEO "marginal productivity" or MRP. Often, behind the slick 
 suits, executive penthouses and the trappings of executive power, one 
 finds individuals who might best be described as fluff n' puff, 
 predatory, machiavellian, superficial, sycophantic, calculating,
 narrow, myopic, cliche-based, corporate creatures whose real MRPs, if 
 they could be really calculated, would be closer to that of a pimp or 
 a counter person at Mc Donalds. Just watch some of these business 
 programs and when these imperial creatures deign to give an interview-
 -highly structured and mostly softball questions--many 
 unintentionally reveal themselves to be quite empty and devoid of 
 substance.
 
 
 Jim: You do an injustice to the hard-working minimum wage workers at
 McDonalds.  Unlike the CEOs about whom you speak, they actually work for
 wages, earn their paychecks, and suffer the indignities of fast-food
 exploitation.  By comparison, CEOs are just large-scale thieves.
 
 In solidarity,
 Michael

Michael,

I know exactly what you are saying and that thought crossed my mind 
before I wrote what I wrote. The MRP of a typical Mc Donald's worker 
is relatively low in money terms (MPP X relatively low-priced output) 
not in physical productivity terms--you-re right they do wok hard; my 
comment was about the money value of the MRP of the CEO. In fact, I 
would argue that many of these CEO's and their downsizing/hollowing 
out actually damage the long-run productivity and competitiveness of 
the firms they oversee and therefore maybe their MRPs are even 
negative.

I do note and share the sentiments you express. I hope that my 
writing indicates attitudes and a paradigm such that I would never 
demean or diminish those who really work for a living and do really 
generate tangible products and productivity.

 Jim Craven

*--*
*  James Craven * " For those who have fought for it,  * 
*  Dept of Economics*  freedom has a taste the protected   *  
*  Clark College*  will never know."   *  
*  1800 E. McLoughlin Blvd. *Otto von Bismark  *  
*  Vancouver, Wa. 98663 *  *
*  (360) 992-2283   *  *
*  [EMAIL PROTECTED]*  *
* MY EMPLOYER HAS NO ASSOCIATION WITH MY PRIVATE/PROTECTED OPINION * 





[PEN-L:11215] Re: Econ Rent/tenure

1997-07-09 Thread Robert Cherry

While some interesting points have been made concerning the relationship 
of CEOs salaries to performance, there is a ceteris paribus problem.  
Marginal productivity theory posits that other factors are held constant.  
That is, there may be a multitude of other factors which are affecting stock 
performance, including secular trends in Price/Earnings ratios which have 
nothing to do with CEO performance.  Moreover, many other factors can affect 
earnings other than CEO performance including the state of the economy.  (In 
sum sense, linking CEO performance to some combination of changes in profit 
rate and market share may be better to measure productivity since market 
share may look at performance independent of the business cycle and P/E 
changes.)

 What I am most interested in, however, is the validity of relating the 
notion of economic rents to faculty tenure, particularly that of full 
professors when there is no merit raises.  This is the situation in the CUNY 
system.  Would it be correct to argue that given lack of accountability, 
tenured full professors are earning economic rents?


Robert Cherry
Brooklyn College





[PEN-L:11213] Re: Rent question

1997-07-09 Thread Gil Skillman

Doug writes:

In the higher rentier consciousness, the product of a CEO is, or should be,
a higher stock price, which may be the same as reported profits, but hardly
always. To that end, compensation packages have been refashioned to depend
more on stock options and less on straight salaries. Headline levels of
booty, like Eisner's depend heavily on the imputed value of options. Are
those "rents"?

I think you've raised two separate issues here, Doug, one of which overlaps
a point made earlier by Jim Devine.  In overview I'll just say that I agree
with the sense of both points, but neither contradicts the main conclusion I
was driving at in my post, which is that given the nature of executive
labor, execs could earn economic rent whether or not they are paid an amount
that might be construed as their "marginal product"

 1) Concerning the (lack of) equivalence between firm value, as reflected in
current stock prices, and (discounted expected profits), which was the basis
I used for discussing what the "marginal productivity" of a chief executive
might mean: I agree that the two are not necessarily equivalent (and I
certainly agree that stock value does not necessarily equal "reported
profits").  As you know, the "capital asset pricing model" predicts this
equivalence, and if stockholders are sufficiently awake and calculating, one
could see why there might be a (constantly interrupted) *tendency* toward
equivalence.  Thus you could say I was simply following Marx's time-honored
method of starting with a simple, if possibly unrealistic, basic scenario in
analyzing a problem.In any case, I could have made the same point using
either measure.   Explaining that claim leads me to the second issue---

2) Concerning the structure of executive compensation packages:  This has to
do with the *form* of executive pay, rather than the *level*, which is what
I was getting at in my earlier post.  The form of pay addresses the problem
of incentives, a question not immediately at issue, so I ignored it for the
sake of brevity.  But granting your point about non-equivalence of stock
value and discounted expected profit, executive compensation could in
principle be linked to whichever of the two measures firm owners think CEOs
should pay more attention to:  pay could take the form of stock options if
the former mattered, or profit-sharing if the latter.  In other words, I
think the tradeoff you highlight is a non sequitur:  the question is not
straight salary vs. stock options, it's salary plus profit-sharing (or
bonuses tied to profit performance) vs. salary plus stock options.

3)  Footnote:  the *form* of executive pay adds a new complication to the
earlier story:  if a component of CEO compensation takes the form of stock
options or profit-sharing, rather than straight salary, then given
capitalist reality CEOs are made to bear risk.  If CEOs are risk averse and
mobile, firms that attempt to impose a higher than average degree of
riskiness in pay will have to pay a risk premium, which under the stated
conditions would logically have to be subtracted in determining what portion
of exec pay constitutes economic rent. This underscores my earlier point
that identifying such rent, or its absence, is likely to be difficult in
practice.  For example:  it is well known that US CEOs earn more on average
than their counterparts in West Germany and Japan.  But it's also true that
US CEOs receive a higher percentage of their total pay in (risky) stock
options and/or performance bonuses.  So what portion of the difference, if
any, is due to a risk premium? to economic rent? to higher productivity of
US CEOs, however measured?

In solidarity, Gil






[PEN-L:11210] On Efficiency

1997-07-09 Thread James Michael Craven

On the first day of all of my classes, when introducing various 
concepts of "efficiency" (technological, economic, productive, 
consumer, exchange and allocative), I hand out the following:

  Rentabilitatsberechnung der SS uber Ausnutzung
  der Haftlinge in den Konzentrationslagern
   (Table of Profits (or yield) per prisoner in 
 concentration camps (established by SS)
 
Rentabilitatsberechnung
 (Rental accounting)
 
Taglicher Verlheilohn durchschnittlich  RM [Reichsmark] 6.00  
 (Average income from rental of prisoner per day)   

abzuglich Ernahrung RM 0.60
(Deduction for nourishment per day)

durchschnittl Lebensdauer  9 Mt = 270 x RM 5.30 = RM 1631.00
(Average life expectancy:9 months)

abzuglich Bekl Amort.  RM -.10
(minus amoprtization on clothing)  _

Erlos aus rationeller Verwertung der Leiche:
(Profits from rational utilization of corpse)

 1. Zahngold (Gold Teeth)3. Wertsachen (Articles of value)
 
 2. Kleidung (Clothing)  4. Geld (Money)
 
abzuglich Verbrennungskosten  RM 2.00
(Minus costs of cremation)

durchschnittlicher Nettogewinn  RM 200.00
(Average Net Profit)

Gesamtgewinn nach 9 MonatenRM 1631.00
(Total profit after 9 months)

zuruglich Erlos aus Knochen und  Aschenverwertung
(This estimate does not include profits from sale of bones and ashes)


This is from a copy of a captured SS document on concentration camp 
accounting/"efficiency" or as the neoclassical texts promote, 
"efficiency uber alles". I use this to povoke thought about how, by 
whom, in whose interests, under what conditions/constraints is 
"efficiency" defined and operationalized. In this case, increased 
"efficiency" meant more death and genocide.

Jim Craven

*--*
*  James Craven * " For those who have fought for it,  * 
*  Dept of Economics*  freedom has a taste the protected   *  
*  Clark College*  will never know."   *  
*  1800 E. McLoughlin Blvd. *Otto von Bismark  *  
*  Vancouver, Wa. 98663 *  *
*  (360) 992-2283   *  *
*  [EMAIL PROTECTED]*  *
* MY EMPLOYER HAS NO ASSOCIATION WITH MY PRIVATE/PROTECTED OPINION * 





[PEN-L:11209] on CEO Pay

1997-07-09 Thread James Michael Craven


Yes, addenDUMB: I got so hung up with the idea of execs being paid a
scarcity rent that I lost sight of what they get paid when they don't
receive a scarcity rent, i.e., when they're paid their "Marginal physical
product."

Since corporate execs are, strictly speaking, unproductive workers -- i.e.,
not producing surplus-value directly -- the "marginal product" of an exec's
"labor" is problematic. To a neoclassical, it's no problem: hey, divide the
extra production that results from the exec's exertions by the amount of
those efforts and you've got the MPP. But to a Marxian economist, that's
obfuscating. The "MPP" of the exec would be the rise in the amount that
productive workers produce (extorted by the exec's minions under the
supervision of the exec) divided by the amount of the exec's efforts. 

Most execs wouldn't have their salaries determined by that "MPP," by the
way, since much of what they do is pure financial paper-shuffling. Much of
that is quite profitable to the owners of the corporation, thank you very
much, even it doesn't add to the aggregate surplus-value at all. 

mea culpa: I've broken two resolutions in one day.


in pen-l solidarity,

Jim Devine   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Econ. Dept., Loyola Marymount Univ.
7900 Loyola Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90045-8410 USA
310/338-2948 (daytime, during workweek); FAX: 310/338-1950
"Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own way
and let people talk.) -- K. Marx, paraphrasing Dante A.

Response:

Yes and still there is the problem of the usual post hoc ergo propter 
hoc and correlation = causation fallacies, the time lagging and 
multiple independent variable problems (various factors and various 
times/places shape overall productivity and relative productivities) 
and the fact that many of the variables shaping supposed marginal 
productivities are beyond the control of even a group of these CEO 
types in attempting to discuss/measure so-called CEO MPPs and MR 
contributions.

With real-world integrated production functions and path dependency 
and other non-linear effects, I believe that talking about real-world 
marginal productivities or even marginal revenues attributed to a 
particular isolated individual worker, CEO, "unit" of capital or 
"acre" of land is simply nonsense designed to ratify and suggest real-
world applicability of a fundamentally bankrupt tautology-riddled 
paradigm designed to rationalize/promote the gross inequalities and 
brutal effects of capitalism and the core structures, imperatives, 
relations and institutions of capitalism that promote and widen them.

It is clear that capitalism cannot survive and expand without the 
constant degradation of those who work--in order to diminish real 
wages (costs) and coerce higher levels of productivity and profits. 
The grotesque levels of pay of some of these CEO's are more about 
promoting the "hero" culture, ultra-individualism and the notion of 
"capital" as the "sole" or "real" creator of wealth than about some 
purported CEO "marginal productivity" or MRP. Often, behind the slick 
suits, executive penthouses and the trappings of executive power, one 
finds individuals who might best be described as fluff n' puff, 
predatory, machiavellian, superficial, sycophantic, calculating,
narrow, myopic, cliche-based, corporate creatures whose real MRPs, if 
they could be really calculated, would be closer to that of a pimp or 
a counter person at Mc Donalds. Just watch some of these business 
programs and when these imperial creatures deign to give an interview-
-highly structured and mostly softball questions--many 
unintentionally reveal themselves to be quite empty and devoid of 
substance.


Jim Craven 

*--*
*  James Craven * " For those who have fought for it,  * 
*  Dept of Economics*  freedom has a taste the protected   *  
*  Clark College*  will never know."   *  
*  1800 E. McLoughlin Blvd. *Otto von Bismark  *  
*  Vancouver, Wa. 98663 *  *
*  (360) 992-2283   *  *
*  [EMAIL PROTECTED]*  *
* MY EMPLOYER HAS NO ASSOCIATION WITH MY PRIVATE/PROTECTED OPINION * 





[PEN-L:11207] Re: Rent question

1997-07-09 Thread Terrence Mc Donough

A concrete "experiment" in relation to this question is the executive 
salaries in the British utility privatizations.  In all cases, CEO 
salaries rose substantially after privatization.  This is interesting 
because the neoclassical maximum competitive market value of these 
individuals had been determined in the market prior to privatization.

Also the substantially lower salaries of Japanese CEOs would 
seem to set a limit on the MP related compensation of CEOs with the 
rest having to be ascribed to cultural and institutional rather than 
market considerations.

The neoclassical defense of CEO salaries is clearly untenable.  Why 
do they do it?  Some of it is ideological hegemony.  Some of it is a 
personal identification with other "professionals".  The major reason 
is, I think, to assert the universal existence of efficient markets, 
even in the face of all evidence to the contrary.  Why not just admit 
that CEO salaries are outrageous and prescribe the elimination of 
market imperfections?

Terry McDonough





[PEN-L:11212] Re: Rent question

1997-07-09 Thread Doug Henwood

Gil Skillman wrote:

So the claim that executives do not typically receive rents depends on
pretty strenuous conditions.  How to prove that they in fact receive rents?
Ask first who has proved that they receive _no_ rents--I'd love to see the
study claiming to do this.  As a first pass, the evidence that executive pay
_does not_ vary predictably with firm profitability argues against the
relevance of marginal productivity theory in markets for executive labor
power, since the marginal product of an executive, especially the chief
executive, is best thought of in terms of differences in profitability
flowing from the presence of that input.

In the higher rentier consciousness, the product of a CEO is, or should be,
a higher stock price, which may be the same as reported profits, but hardly
always. To that end, compensation packages have been refashioned to depend
more on stock options and less on straight salaries. Headline levels of
booty, like Eisner's depend heavily on the imputed value of options. Are
those "rents"?

Doug

--

Doug Henwood
Left Business Observer
250 W 85 St
New York NY 10024-3217 USA
+1-212-874-4020 voice  +1-212-874-3137 fax
email: mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
web: http://www.panix.com/~dhenwood/LBO_home.html







[PEN-L:11214] query

1997-07-09 Thread MIKEY

Friends,  Is Dave Richardson of the BLS Daily Reports off the list.  I'm trying 
to get in touch with him.

Michael Yates





[PEN-L:11216] Re: on CEO Pay

1997-07-09 Thread Michael Eisenscher

At 08:47 AM 7/9/97 -0700, James Michael Craven wrote:
[SNIP]
purported CEO "marginal productivity" or MRP. Often, behind the slick 
suits, executive penthouses and the trappings of executive power, one 
finds individuals who might best be described as fluff n' puff, 
predatory, machiavellian, superficial, sycophantic, calculating,
narrow, myopic, cliche-based, corporate creatures whose real MRPs, if 
they could be really calculated, would be closer to that of a pimp or 
a counter person at Mc Donalds. Just watch some of these business 
programs and when these imperial creatures deign to give an interview-
-highly structured and mostly softball questions--many 
unintentionally reveal themselves to be quite empty and devoid of 
substance.


Jim: You do an injustice to the hard-working minimum wage workers at
McDonalds.  Unlike the CEOs about whom you speak, they actually work for
wages, earn their paychecks, and suffer the indignities of fast-food
exploitation.  By comparison, CEOs are just large-scale thieves.

In solidarity,
Michael






[PEN-L:11218] NAFTA in Caribbean?! Action Requested!

1997-07-09 Thread Michael Eisenscher

From: Nicaragua Network [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
[The information for this alert was provided on July 9, 1997, by the 
U.S./Guatemala Labor Education Project, P.O. Box 268-290, Chicago, IL 
60626; Tel: (773) 262-6502; e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]]
 
URGENT!!!  PLEASE ACT ON THIS ALERT:
 
House Tax Bill Contains $200 Million in New Benefits
For Central American Maquiladora Businesses; 
No New Benefits for Maquila Workers
 
The House of Representatives is quietly trying to extend NAFTA trade
benefits to the Central American and Caribbean apparel-for-export
sector.  
 
The so-called Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) parity measure,
originally introduced by Rep. Phil Crane, R-IL, is part of the omnibus
reconciliation tax bill that has already passed the House.  The Crane
measure would expand the long-standing Caribbean Basin Initiative
duty-free trade program to phase in NAFTA-equivalent trade benefits
for apparel, shoes and petroleum, commodities that are currently
excluded from the CBI trade program.  The Senate version of the
reconciliation bill does not contain a CBI-parity provision. 
 
Central American governments and business leaders have lobbied for
three years to obtain the same trade benefits provided to Mexico under
NAFTA, arguing that Mexico has an unfair trade advantage that has
harmed the Central American maquiladora sector.  However, the
Central American maquiladora sector has continued to grow, despite
Mexico's lower duties.  Since NAFTA was passed, CBI countries have
increased their total share of U.S. imports of apparel from 19% to
23%. 
 
The Crane bill does nothing to ensure that Central American workers
obtain a share of the new trade benefits.  While the version of the
Crane measure in the reconciliation bill apparently does not remove
current provisions that link CBI benefits to progress on respecting
worker rights, these provisions have proven to be inadequate.  Central
American trade unions and those in the U.S. who support Central
American workers believe that the extension of new trade benefits to
the Central American maquiladora sector should be conditioned on
measures to ensure that the benefits be shared by Central American
workers through strong worker rights provisions.  
 
The attempt to sneak the controversial Crane measure through the
reconciliation bill represents an attack on both Central American and
U.S. workers and worker rights advocates, depriving fair trade
supporters an opportunity to engage in efforts to strengthen to worker
rights provisions of U.S. trade laws and build a trading system that is
not based on the exploitation of Third World workers who are denied
their basic rights.  The House's action is a back-door attempt to ensure
that worker rights advocates have no opportunity to push for stronger

worker rights provisions.  The drum beat of media coverage of worker
rights violations in the Central American maquiladora sector no doubt
has CBI-parity supporters concerned about having an honest and public
debate on U.S. trade-worker rights policy vis-a-vis the Central
American maquiladora sector.
 
In a clear indication of efforts to side-step a public debate, the bill
authorizes the new trade benefits for only one year, thereby keeping
down costs represented by the loss of duties that would no longer be
imposed.  However, the strategy of the provision's sponsors is to get
the nose of the camel under the tent, knowing that once the benefits are
provided for one year they will be extended in future years.  The five-
year cost of CBI-parity would be $1 billion.
 
Senators Patrick Moynihan, Trent Lott and William Roth have been
named to represent the Senate in a conference committee with House
counterparts on the section of the reconciliation bill that contains CBI-
parity.
 
TIMELINE:  IMMEDIATE.  This bill is going to conference July 10 and
observers expect a conference (i.e. compromise) version of the bill to
be completed as early as the middle of the week of July 14.
 
ACTION:  
 
Contact your U.S. senators immediately.  Ask them to contact
Senators Moynihan, Lott and Roth and urge that they remove CBI-
parity from the reconciliation bill.
 
For more information, contact Steve Coats at the U.S./Guatemala Labor 
Education Project; Tel: 773-262-6502; e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
CAMPAIGN FOR LABOR RIGHTS memberships:  Send $35.00 to CLR, 1247 "E" 
Street SE, Washington, DC 20003.  For a sample copy of our newsletter, 
send your postal address to [EMAIL PROTECTED]
--
To receive our e-mail Labor Alerts send a message to [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
with "labor alerts -- all campaigns" in the subject line or specify 
which labor issues interest:  Nike, Disney, Guess, child labor, 
Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, El Salvador, US farm workers, US poultry 
processing workers.  If you would like to receive information which 
falls outside those categories (prison labor, workfare, other policy 
issues, additional briefing 

[PEN-L:11211] Re: Re: imperialist competition?

1997-07-09 Thread James Devine

Bill Burgess writes: US hegemony partially functioned during the long
post WW2 boom;
those days are over. The military fact of the USSR blunted open rivalry
between imperialist powers for awhile, but its (partial) demise opens more
room for fighting over profit potentials. We're leaving off the economy
from political economy if we don't connect this to the wars happening,
including Iraq and intervention in Yugoslavia.

Sure, the end of the cold war brought some competition among the big powers
to the fore, over foreign policy and economics ("competitiveness"). But is
there anything going on which is remotely similar to the UK/German
battleship-building arms race before WW I? is there a scramble for colonies
and coaling stations? These are the kinds of thing Lenin wrote about.

These days, instead of building battleships to compete with each other
militarily, the capitalist powers are competing to sell fighter planes
(modern battleships) to developing countries. Instead of scrambling for
colonies, the powers are uniting behind the war against Iraq, the World
Bank's structural adjustment programs in developing countries, and (after
initial diplomatic discord, with Germany backing Slovenia's independence)
uniting to pacify the former Yugoslavia.  

On other subjects: Today's L.A. TIMES reports that "experts say" that the
point of NAFTA was not "jobs" but instead ensuring that Mexico went all the
way with "free market economics."

The TIMES also reports that the "health" industry is currently denying
insurance coverage to babies who need reconstructive surgery at birth
(e.g., supplying a missing external ear) because it is wholely cosmetic.
How does one pronounce "HMO" (health maintenance organization)? If the M is
silent, pronounce it "ho." But perhaps the H should be silent, since
there's no health there.

that's it for today.



in pen-l solidarity,

Jim Devine   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Econ. Dept., Loyola Marymount Univ.
7900 Loyola Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90045-8410 USA
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"Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own way
and let people talk.) -- K. Marx, paraphrasing Dante A.






[PEN-L:11208] Re: Capital and the State

1997-07-09 Thread Terrence Mc Donough

Bill B wonders if competitive austerity and the "high productivity" 
strategy could be different forms of national capitalist competition. 
The problem with this is that they are more evidently different forms 
of competition between national working classes.

Nevertheless Bill's emphasis on the continuing relationship between 
capital and nation states is constructive.  Capital is still 
integrated with other social structures in different ways in 
different localities and hence not completely "global" in its 
effects.

Terry McDonough