[PEN-L:11318] E.P. Thompson

1997-07-16 Thread William S. Lear

For those who have read E.P. Thompson's _The Making of the English
Working Class_, could you provide a brief description of its strengths
and weaknesses?  Anything in particular to pay attention to while
reading it?


Bill





[PEN-L:11316] CAW settlement at Starbucks

1997-07-16 Thread D Shniad

The Vancouver Sun   Wednesday 16 July 1997

STARBUCKS, UNION SIGN HISTORIC DEAL

The B.C. contract with the coffee chain, which has 1,100 
outlets, is a North American first. 

Bruce Constantineau, Sun Business Reporter Vancouver Sun


Unionized workers at nine Greater Vancouver Starbucks coffee outlets 
and a distribution centre have voted 95 per cent in favor of an historic 
first contract that gives the 110 workers a 75-cent-an-hour pay raise, 
increasing the starting wage to $7.75 an hour.

The British Columbia Starbucks locations become the first of more than 
1,100 outlets in North America to negotiate a union contract with the 
Seattle-based coffee giant. The Canadian Auto Workers spent nearly 10 
months working for a first collective agreement.

"We see this as a very good beginning for Starbucks workers," said 
CAW national representative Roger Crowther. "They're getting a 75-
cent increase on a ridiculous wage of $7 an hour."

Starbucks responded to the two-year contract agreement Tuesday by 
announcing the same wages and conditions will apply to workers at all 
96 B.C. Starbucks locations. Starbucks representative Shelly 
Silbernagel said the company did not make that decision to try to 
discourage union organizing at other B.C. outlets.

"We have always had a philosophy of treating all our [employee] 
partners equally and that's the situation here."

Silbernagel expects the CAW will try to organize more Starbucks stores 
but could not predict the outcome of future organizing drives.

"Each partner will make his or her own informed decision. Ultimately, 
it's up to them."

There are more than 130 Starbucks locations across Canada, and 
Crowther said Toronto-area workers have recently expressed an 
interest in joining the union.

The 75-cent-an hour wage increase is retroactive to July 1, and another 
12 cents an hour will be paid, effective July 1, 1998. The CAW said the 
base rate of $7.87 next year and the top rate of $10.62 will match the 
current rates paid to workers at CAW's 50 unionized Kentucky Fried 
Chicken outlets throughout B.C.

The union acknowledged it didn't get everything it wanted, including 
paid sick leave and a base starting rate of $10 an hour. But it said it was 
pleased to negotiate an agreement where seniority becomes a key factor 
in shift scheduling, providing employees have the relative ability to do 
the work. The contract also contains strong anti-harassment language.

Starbucks employee Lori Banong told a news conference Tuesday that 
many workers are pleased to win a first contract with Starbucks.

"It was time to take back some control and make Starbucks realize it's 
the employees behind the counter that made the company what it is 
today," she said.

Silbernagel said working conditions at Starbucks will remain basically 
the same and noted the contract contains "groundbreaking content" 
regarding the rights of a company to manage its operations. She noted, 
for example, the contract allows managers and assistant managers to do 
the work alongside unionized employees.

B.C. Federation of Labor secretary-treasurer Angela Schira said the 
CAW contract with Starbucks is significant because service sector jobs 
are no longer just short-term, entry-level, part-time positions that only 
require low wage scales.

"People now realize they are going to be working at these jobs for a 
few years so they need a wage that lets them make a decent living," she 
said. "The service sector is the fastest growing part of the economy and 
that's where most union organizing will take place in the future."





[PEN-L:11315] Re: econometrics as poetry

1997-07-16 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine asked,

>What's your definition of prose, Tom?

Ain't them the guys what get paid for playin' ball?

Seriously, though,

At the risk of offending Doug Henwood's PoMo PoLiCe, my definition of prose
is that it's a collection of minor, occasionally utilitarian sub-genres of
epic. Just in case you think I'm making this, see Bakhtin's "Discourse in
the Novel" particularly the parts on "authoritative discourse" (_Dialogic
Imagination_, pp. 343-345). In these passages, Bakhtin talks about the "many
and varied types of authoritative discourse (for example, the authority of
religious dogma, or of acknowledged scientific truth or of a currently
fashionable book)..." Elsewhere Bakhtin argues for the novel's discourse as
having descended from the epic form.

Central also to the "literacy/orality" debates (Walter Ong, etc.) is the
argument that poetry predates prose. Perhaps the joke on Moliere's bourgeois
gentilhomme is that he was speaking prose all along when he should have been
speaking *dialogue*.

Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^^
knoW Ware Communications
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
(604) 688-8296 
^^^
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm






[PEN-L:11314] Re: Industry Canada on payroll taxes

1997-07-16 Thread Tom Walker

My apologies for sending out an address with an error in it. The correct
address for the Payroll Taxation and Employment paper by Joni Baran is:

http://strategis.ic.gc.ca/SSG/ra01275e.html



Regards, 

Tom Walker
^^^
knoW Ware Communications
Vancouver, B.C., CANADA
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
(604) 688-8296 
^^^
The TimeWork Web: http://mindlink.net/knowware/worksite.htm






[PEN-L:11313] Re: Re: econometrics as poetry

1997-07-16 Thread James Devine

Eric Nilsson writes: >I think we can all agree that there is a reality out
there. The different lays in whether we think models n' metrics can reveal
this reality. I don't think they can do this, but I also think models n'
metrics are worth doing because they give us insights we otherwise would
not have.<

As I said in my first contribution to this thread, I think the main value
of 'metrics is mostly about _rejecting_ hypotheses. That's part of partial
revelation of reality (though it doesn't allow actual attainment of "true
knowledge," just marginal movement toward that). To use an old analogy
that's too often used in discussions of epistemology, if the blind guys who
are groping the poor elephant (trying to figure out what it is) decide that
it's _not_ a wolverine, that's a step forward. It's an "insight." 

>I would agree that, given a set of data and a set of untestable
hypotheses, some models "perform" better than do other models. Yet, I don't
think this implies that some models are "more truthful" than other models.
Nor do I think that anyone agrees on what the best measure of the
performance of a model is. <

I would be the last one to assert that the _only_ criterion for judging the
"truthfulness" of an econometric model would be something like R-squared or
t-stats (old-fashioned measures of "performance" that are more familiar to
readers than the new ones). For example, did the model's author make the
"untestable hypotheses" that are part of the model explicit? if not that's
a strike against the author's intellectual honesty, and against the model's
truthfulness. Next, are the untestable hypotheses reasonable given what's
already known? tautologies are o.k. here, as long as the whole theory isn't
a seamless web of tautologies. Next, does changing the way in which the
data are calculated change the author's results? Next, does the author
assert results based on the econometrics that don't fit the actual results
(e.g., that the econometrics "prove" the theory being tested)? Etc. Etc. 

Given this, what this means depends on what is meant by "more truthful."
For example, one can be pragmatic about it and define "truthful" as
"contributing most effectively to the attainment of one's goals" as in
clarifying policy proposals or helping with political action. (There are
other ways of defining "truth.")

Even then, I wouldn't say that "more truthful" is a one-dimensional
measure. A model might be less truthful than another along one dimension
(e.g., internal logical consistency) at the same time it's more truthful
than another along another dimension (e.g., econometric "performance"). We
may not be able to make a model "more truthful" along all the possible
dimensions, but it's a good idea to try.

In sum, the truth is out there, but "truthfulness" is a vector not a scalar. 

>Actually, the "performance" of a model is a social construct: depending as
it does on the person doing the metrics and on the host of untestable
auxillary assumptions needed to "test" a model. Models are not "confronted
with the data": people use data to estimate models and, so, the "testing"
of a model is embedded in a social world.<

Right. However, it's very important to reveal as clearly as possible what
these untestable auxillary assumptions are. All the cards should be on the
table. 

It's true that the economics profession militates against this attitude: I
just spent megahours shortening a (noneconometric) paper for possible
publication, preventing me from putting all my cards on the table. But
that's a critique of the economics profession. 

>Whether fewer untestable hypotheses make for a better model: interesting
claim, related to the claim that scientific models must be---in principle
at least--falsifiable. Unfortunately, all models involve untestable
hypotheses by the dozens (most of which are not recognized by the modeller)
and using the weighting scheme "one untestable assumption = one demerit"
might be too simple. My preference is to weight heavily "interesting
aspects" of a model highly. <

I totally agree that ANY scientific model has unfalsifiable assumptions.
Lakatos and Kuhn are right -- i.e., closer to the truth -- that all
scientific thinking involve a nonfalsifiable hard core. But that core
should be made explicit at the same time we should avoid having the core
swallow up the whole paradigm, as for some Chicago-school theories (e.g.,
human capital) which are basically true by definition but in the end say
nothing except ideological assertions. More generally, we should try to
attain some parsimony, getting as much as possible by way of falsifiable
hypotheses out of the core. (NB: falsifiability is not and should not be
the only criterion. Logical coherence and methodological soundness are two
others.) 

Eric, how do you define "interesting aspects"? that seems pretty
subjective, more subjective than necessary. 

(It is a bit confusing for anyone to think that I am some sort of crude
falsificationist Popperia

[PEN-L:11312] Re: poetry as econometrics

1997-07-16 Thread Doug Henwood

Tom Walker wrote:

>Poetry tries to understand two worlds, the world of language and the world
>-- Jim's "objective world" -- to which that language refers.

Uh-oh the pomos are gonna get you! You foundationalist! The only referent
of language is other language; of a poem, another poem. I'm shocked to see
the metaphysics of presence on PEN-L.

Doug







[PEN-L:11311] "Critical Thinking" Joke

1997-07-16 Thread James Michael Craven

  Two guys were sitting in a bar. The first guy turns to the second 
and asks: "What do you do?" The second guy answers "I'm a Professor 
and I teach critical thinking.
  The first guy asks: "What's that?" The second guy answers I teach 
how to analyze from different conceptual angles, turn problems inside-
out, how to make "valid" inferences from given data, how to establish 
and test "facts", how to make valid deductions and not commit logical 
fallacies etc". The first guy says: "Well how does it work?"
  The seond guy asks the first guy "Do you have a dog?" The first guy 
says "yes" and the seond guy asks "What kind?" and the first guy 
answers "A thoroughbred champion golden retriever". The second guy 
says "since you have a golden retriever which is an outside dog and 
since it is an expensive thoroughbred, you must have a backyard and a 
fence so the dog doesn't run away." The first guy says "You're 
right". The second guy then says "since you have a backyard and a 
fence you must have a house" and the first guy says "right again". 
The second guy then says "since you have a house you are probably 
married" and the first guy says "right again" and then the second guy 
says "since you are married, you are probably a heterosexual." The 
first guys says "you are right on everything and you can figure all of 
that out just from the kind of dog I have?"
  The bartender was listening and says to both of them "what are you 
guys talking about" and the first guy says "this guy is a professor 
and he teaches critical thinking." The bartender says "what's that?" 
and the first guy, who wants to show off his newly-acquired 
"knowledge" says "he looks at problems inside-out, he figures things 
out from basic facts." So the bartender says "how does it work?" and 
the first guy, still trying to show off, says "Do you have a dog?" 
The bartender says "No". So the first guy stares at him and says 
"Homo!".
Jim Craven

*--*
*  James Craven * " For those who have fought for it,  * 
*  Dept of Economics*  freedom has a taste the protected   *  
*  Clark College*  will never know."   *  
*  1800 E. McLoughlin Blvd. *Otto von Bismark  *  
*  Vancouver, Wa. 98663 *  *
*  (360) 992-2283   *  *
*  [EMAIL PROTECTED]*  *
* MY EMPLOYER HAS NO ASSOCIATION WITH MY PRIVATE/PROTECTED OPINION * 





[PEN-L:11310] Re: China's Overcapacity

1997-07-16 Thread JayHecht

What's the big deal?

The real questions are:  how competitive are China's mass-produced goods
(e.g. quality) and what sort of export-earnings are associated with those
goods.  "Made  In Japan" used to be a signal of poor quality, now its the
standard in certain types of so-called high value-added goods.

On the other hand, the UK in the 19th C was a "leader" in manufactured goods
and look what happended vis-a-vis the US.

I'm not sure economists have a "full story" to tell about China.

Jason





[PEN-L:11309] New from EPI

1997-07-16 Thread Max B. Sawicky

New and free from EPI at web address :
(for information about purchases of reports
and briefing papers, e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED])

Response to President's Report on NAFTA

Press Releases on:  NAFTA, minimum wage,
EPI conference on "broadly-shared prosperity," 

The Failed Experiment:  NAFTA at Three Years
(executive summary)
Jointly authored with Institute for Policy Studies,
International Labor Rights Fund, Public Citizen,
Sierra Club, and U.S. Business and Industrial
Council Educational Foundation

Issue Brief:  "The Good for Nothing Budget"

Briefing Paper:  NAFTA and the Peso Collapse:
Not Just a Coincidence," by Robert A. Blecker 

One-pager bulletins on latest figures on profits, prices, trade

Press release on new EPI study:
"Family Friend or Foe?
 Working Time, Flexibility, and the Fair Labor Standards Act,"
 by Lonnie Golden

===
Max B. SawickyEconomic Policy Institute
[EMAIL PROTECTED]  1660 L Street, NW
202-775-8810 (voice)  Ste. 1200
202-775-0819 (fax)Washington, DC  20036
http://epn.org/sawicky

===





[PEN-L:11308] Re: poetry as econometrics

1997-07-16 Thread Tom Walker

Jim Devine wrote,

>But again, as I said above,
>poetry in fine in and of itself. But social science, though it shares a lot
>with poetry (using metaphors, etc.), is also about trying to understand the
>objective world. 

Poetry tries to understand two worlds, the world of language and the world
-- Jim's "objective world" -- to which that language refers. What I'm about
to demonstrate may not look like poetry to someone who thinks poetry is
"fine in and of itself." But take my word for it, the techniques I use are
derived from the study of literary texts. Judge for yourself whether they
have any relevance for the criticism of social scientific texts.

The problem comes from a survey of the literature on "Payroll Taxation and
Employment" written by an economist in the Canadian Ministry of Industry,
Joni Baran. The evidence consists of several ungrammatical constructions --
bad poetry, one might say. In the paper's executive summary "the evidence
concludes". In the conclusion, "most of the earlier work surveyed by Dahlby
and by Hamermesh is unanimous in implying". 

A rose is a rose is a rose, but "evidence" can't conclude anything. Nor can
"most" be said to be "unanimous", even "in implying". Something is not quite
right with the words and further investigation is warranted.

Guarding the non-economist's entry into the main text of the paper, however,
is an eight page "Economic Primer" that "provides a brief primer of the
theoretical underpinnings of the labour market and familiarizes the reader
with some of the terminology used throughout the remainder of the paper." It
probably -- albeit unintentionally -- insures that non-specialists will
venture no further into the 45 page paper. It thus upholds the definitive
status of the executive summary.

Here are three clues from the paper (the paper can be downloaded from the
Industry Canada website: http://strategis.ic.qc.ca/ssg/ra0127e.html):

>From the executive summary:

"The consensus of the surveyed literature is that increases in employer
payroll taxes tend to have negative short-term effects on employment. Most
of the evidence, however, concludes that adverse employment effects do not
persist in the long run." (p. i)

>From the conclusions:

"Second, while most of the earlier work surveyed by Dahlby and by Hamermesh
is unanimous in implying that any adverse effects on employment fully
dissipate over the long run, some of the more recent empirical work suggests
that increases in payroll taxes can have persistent long-term effects on
employment. Moreover, there is evidence that real wage resistance is
relatively strong in Canada (Tyrvainen, and Wilton and Prescott), thereby
delaying and potentially hindering the long-run adjustment process." (p. 39)

>From the literature review:

Exhibit 1. "Dahlby concluded that the collective results of the theoretical
predictions and the econometric studies implied that over 80 percent of the
employer payroll tax burden in Ontario is borne by labour in the long run.
Therefore, payroll taxes do not directly inhibit job creation at least in
the long run.

"Payroll taxes may, however, have an indirect effect on employment in the
long run. Taxes can distort labour market decisions. Dahlby refers to the
Keil and Symons model. While the direct effect of a payroll tax increase on
wages has only a short-run effect on employment, the short-run increase in
unemployment reduces the real wage rate and decreases the size of the labour
force. This short-term reduction in the labour force can lead to the
discouraged worker effect which can have long-term implications on employment.

"Dahlby also referred to Coe's 1990 analysis which indicated that increases
in employer payroll tax rates in Canada caused the natural rate of
unemployment to increase by 1.5 percentage points from 1971 to the late
1970s and by another one percentage point by 1990. Research performed in
other countries also tends to suggest that increasing payroll taxes may have
a long-term impact on unemployment." (pp.18-19)

Exhibit 2. "Hamermesh's survey of the empirical literature led him to deduce
that the lack of consensus regarding the incidence of payroll taxes and its
long-run impact on employment, makes it impossible to draw any firm
conclusions. Therefore, Hamermesh maintained that economists must choose
between the robust estimates of supply and demand elasticities provided by
the theoretical model or the mixed conclusions of the empirical evidence."
(p. 21)

What the poetic analysis of the text allows the reader to do is stride past
the technical mumbo-jumbo with "ten league boots" and quickly grasp the
central contradiction of the author's predicament (in both senses of a
"dangerous situation" and of "logical predication"). The author's
predicament is dangerous indeed, she somehow must temper her criticism of
government policy with the mitigating suggestion that even though payroll
tax policy may be unfair to low income earners, it is -- or at least was --
co

[PEN-L:11307] re CEO's Incomes

1997-07-16 Thread PHILLPS


In my attempt to be both brief and trenchant, I seem to have
confused Gil with respect to my use of power as the determinant
of executive incomes and the uselessness of the neoclassical
framework to try to justify CEO's pay and perks. I will try
to be more clear in the following elaboration.

The concept of marginal productivity involves the addition of a
single unit of the variable factor (which must be homogenous with
previous units of the factor or it is impossible to sort out the
productivity of what).  Now, if we add a CEO to an existing firm,
is his mp the total value of the firms output (on the assumption
that the firm can not operate without a CEO)? Or is it the change
in TP when a second CEO is added? (an obvious contradiction>, ?
Or is it the change inTP when one CEO is replaced by another?  This
then would indicate that all CEO renumeration (subtracting opportunity
wages) is a form of rent.  (i.e. the rent to a natural
or developed talent e.g. the return to Wayne Gretsky's hockey skills.)
  However, as Ricardo pointed out, rent is a result of price, not a
cause of price.  Since CEO's are in a position to influence price
through market power, they are also in a position to some extent to
determine their rents.  However, this is rather tortuous analysis
and the concept of marginal productivity is so unreal (we have gone
through all this before) that neoclassical theory in this regard
"has no clothes".  In any case, all rents in the long run are a
return to power, either in the form of ownership rights that
include the right to restrict output, monopoly market power, power
of the office to allocate rent, etc.
  To quote Marc Lavoie's comment on the importance of power:
"...power is the ultimate objective of the firm: power over its
environment, whether it be economic, social or political. 'Power
is the ability of an individual or a group to impose its purpose on others'.
(Galbraith, 1975, p. 108)  The firm wants power over its suppliers,
over its customers, over the government, over the kind of technology
to be put in use THE NOTION OF POWER, EXCEPT WHEN RELATED TO THE
CASE OF THE PURE MONOPOLY, HAS BEEN SYSTEMETICALLY IGNORED IN
ECONOMICS, WITH THE EXCEPTION OF INSTITUTIONALISTS AND MARXISTS."
(Lavoie, Foundations of Post-Keynesian Economic Analysis, pp 99-100)
  In short to deal with the issue of power in income distribution
we have to leave the certai, equilibrium world of neoclassical economics and
utilize the models of surplus (post-classical or heterodox) economics.
It is here that the fundamental issue of power is joined.  It Becomes
the question of who has the power to distribute surplus.  Why do
American CEO's receive much greater incomes than do Japanese or
European CEO's?  Why do CEO's of private utilities receive greater
remuneration than _the same_ CEO's received prior to privatization
despite no change in productivity?  Why do CEO's of profit losing
firms get commensurate remuneration with those of profit making firms?
(etc. etc.) none of which can be explained by mp theory or even with
any reasonable application of neoclassical rent theory.  However, they
can all be explained within surplus models by modelling the sources and
distribution of power (although not necessarily in an econometrically
operational sense.)  Many Marxists, for instance, talk about working
class bargaining power over distributive shares in terms of the size
or proportion of the reserve army of unemployed.
  This was the context in which I used the example of the mugger (which
has been used on this list in the past in more or less this context.)
The mugger does not produce any marginal product, but his power over
the use of force allows him to redirect, to himself, part of the
surplus in the form of the above subsistence wages of the muggee.

I trust this makes sence of my earlier elliptical post.

Paul Phillips,
Economics,
University of Manitoba





[PEN-L:11306] Re: Ajit Sinha

1997-07-16 Thread romain_kroes

Ajit Sinha wrote:

> In my opinion, this is a common mistake commited by Marxist scholars. Since
> profit in capitalism is seen as resulting from the exploitation of labor, it
> does not mean that an economy with labor input being zero (i.e. 100%
> mechanized production process) would necessarily mean that 'profit' will be
> zero in such an economy. As long as the total input needed in the process of
> production is less than the total output, you have surplus production; and
> 100% mechanization does not ipso facto rule out this possibility. So one can
> imagine a totally mechanized economy with division of 'capital' and prices
> of goods such that the rate of 'profit' is equalized accross sectors. The
> economy will simply be not a capitalist economy because it would be missing
> an essential element--the wage labor. But a theoretical possibility of such
> an economy cannot be denied. Cheers, ajit sinha

A zero labour input is impossible, because automatisms have neither
plasticity regarding to forthcoming events, nor conceptualization
ability. But it's true that as productivity grows, the sharing part of
real time work decreases in the global production. Why would the
production be limited, so that the number of employed workers would tend
to decrease, as the productivity grows ?

Because, for more than fifty years, a depreciation of the money has
unfailingly been accompanying the production growth, detroying, in this
way, a great part of the global absolute surplus-value in terms of
purchasing power of it. So that capitalists are no more interested in
extracting profit by the growth, and leaded to chase after it by
reducing the part of wages in the product (number of workers, and wages
level). But this is a relative profit, and here is the point where the
"Marxist Scholars", and not only them, are wrong-footed...

Regards, Romain Kroes






[PEN-L:11305] Condemn The 19th Century Colonialist Policy Of The Canadian State Towards The Aboriginal Peoples

1997-07-16 Thread Shawgi A. Tell

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  while the remaining parts are likely unreadable without MIME-aware tools.
  Send mail to [EMAIL PROTECTED] for more info.

--2E4049B15F0C


In the recent period, two important cases have been before the
Canadian courts. One involved the September 5, 1995 shooting of Stoney
Point First Nation member Dudley George at Ipperwash Provincial Park
by Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) officer Sargeant Kenneth Deane.

The other case involves 15 individuals who participated in a struggle
of Shuswap Nation members at Gustafsen Lake (Ts Peten) in the summer
of 1995.

Sargeant Kenneth Deane was convicted of criminal negligence causing
death on April 28, 1997, only after a very active struggle was waged
to demand that justice be done. There was also a great deal of
evidence showing that contrary to the claims of the OPP, Dudley George
was unarmed when he was shot dead. On July 3, Deane was given a
two-year suspended sentence. While the crime for which he was
convicted carries a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, Deane will
be "punished" with 180 hours of community service, while he retains
employment with the OPP.

In his April 28 ruling, Judge Hugh Fraser acknowledged that Deane knew
that Dudley George was unarmed when he shot him dead. Nevertheless, at
his sentencing, Judge Fraser all but declared Deane innocent, saying
Deane was "in every other way" an "exemplary officer." He was
described as a "highly competent officer," who was "lawfully carrying
out his duty as a police officer." "The decision to embark on this
ill-fated mission was not Sgt. Deane s," Fraser said, referring to the
OPP raid on the camp set up by Stoney Point First Nations members at
Ipperwash Provincial Park. Judge Fraser also said that Deane was not
responsible for the "faulty" intelligence reports the police receive
that the protesters were armed. "It's not for this tribunal to decide
where that intelligence originated, or why it was so inaccurate."

No such leniency has been shown in the Ts Peten case. In
pre-sentencing hearings, the state is calling for the harshest
possible punishment especially for Jones Ignace (Wolverine), a
Shushwap Nation elder and one of the leaders of the Ts Peten struggle.
Prosecutor Lance Bernard said Wolverine should be sent to jail for 16
to 23 years. In his sentencing brief to the judge, Bernard said that
the defendants were "terrorists" who had used illegal weapons to
threaten police. He said all those convicted of mischief had to be
sentenced within the context of a "serious over-criminal situation."
He said that those who carried firewood, cooked and did other domestic
chores were indispensable to those who "wielded weapons," and argued
they had to be sentenced accordingly. He proposed the rest of the
defendants should be sentenced to 3 to 5 years as a "deterrence."

In the implementation of its policy of turning the just struggles of
the Aboriginal peoples for the restoration of their hereditary rights
into "law and order" problems, there is a clear message: any
Aboriginal person who steps out of the place assigned to them by the
Canadian state is "fair game" for arrests, shootings, jailings and
every form of persecution, while those who implement the state's
policy will be protected. This is the way of the 19th century British
colonialists and these two cases show how very little has changed
since the 19th Century in terms of the treatment of Canada's
Aboriginal peoples by the Canadian state. This is the only
interpretation that can be given to the double standards of justice
being shown in both the Gustafsen Lake and the Ipperwash trials. The
Canadian people must condemn the Canadian state's brutal treatment of
Canada's Aboriginal peoples and step up the struggle for the
restoration of their hereditary rights.

CPC(M-L)

Shawgi Tell
Graduate School of Education
University at Buffalo
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


--2E4049B15F0C--





[PEN-L:11304] Liberalism "Off The Record": More Evidence Of The Deep Crisis Of The Bourgeoisie In Finding A Credible Standard-Bearer (Canada)

1997-07-16 Thread Shawgi A. Tell

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  while the remaining parts are likely unreadable without MIME-aware tools.
  Send mail to [EMAIL PROTECTED] for more info.

--75BA3FF15BB1


At the signing ceremony for Ukraine s admission into the aggressive
U.S.-led NATO military alliance, Prime Minister Jean Chretien is
reported to have made "unguarded comments" while chatting with Belgian
President Jean-Luc Dehaene in front of a microphone he thought was
turned off. The comments highlight the deep crisis of the Canadian
bourgeoisie in producing statesmen and stateswomen with any
credibility.

In public, Chretien has said that the expansion of NATO is a matter of
security and "peace in Europe." In private he said that the position
of the U.S., which stands at the head of the NATO expansion, has
nothing to do with security. "I know the reasons, it's not the reasons
of state. It's for political reasons, short-term political reasons, to
win the next elections." He did not comment as to who is going to
benefit from the NATO expansion, but it is well-known that the
military-industrial complex in all the NATO countries will hand over
lots of money for election campaigns, not only in the United States,
but in Canada as well. Over $30 billion worth of armaments is at
stake.

In terms of U.S-Canada relations, and particularly the use of Canadian
troops to do the dirty work for the U.S., Chretien said: "(Clinton)
goes to Haiti with soldiers. The next year, Congress doesn t allow him
to go back. So he phones me. Okay, I send my soldiers, and then
afterwards, I ask for something else in exchange." On the Helm-Burton
legislation, Chretien boasted he was the first to oppose it and added,
"I like to stand up to the Americans. It's popular. But you have to be
very careful because they're our friends."

According to reports, Chretien said that American politicians "sell
their votes." He said Clinton won support for NATO by promising to
build bridges. He said that if politicians did the same thing in
Canada or in Belgium they "would be in prison." It would be laughable,
were it not such a serious matter, that in the same breath that
Chretien admits he sent Canadian troops to Haiti "in exchange for
something else," he is castigating the U.S. politicians for their
deal-making.

The criticism of the parliamentary "opposition" has further revealed
the deep crisis of the bourgeoisie, as the only concern they raised
was how Chretien's comments may damage relations with the U.S.
imperialists.

What is revealed by Chretien's comments is the utterly unprincipled
and double-faced nature of the bourgeois ruling circles. They reveal
the "sell-your-mother-for-a-dime" pragmatism which can justify
anything, and do anything to advance the interests of imperialism at
the cost of the rights and freedoms and lives of the people of Canada
and of other countries, all the while claiming to stand for all the
best in the world. The opposition could not complain of such things
because they too have the sole interest of advancing the aims of the
most economically powerful, at home and abroad. While Chretien has
shrugged off the issue, his comments are now going to haunt and stymie
the Liberals, particularly in their foreign policy affairs, which they
try to present as being based on the highest and most lofty "Canadian
values."

CPC(M-L)

Shawgi Tell
Graduate School of Education
University at Buffalo
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


--75BA3FF15BB1--





[PEN-L:11303] Re: article on globalization

1997-07-16 Thread Ajit Sinha

At 10:02 AM 7/15/97 -0700, you wrote:

>>At the same time, the introduction of labor-replacing technology means the
>beginning of the end of productive investment capital. All value (and
>profit) comes from the exploitation of labor. Laborless production means
>valueless production - and hence,
>profitless production. With laborless production, capital can no longer be
>utilized to create more value and more surplus value.<
___

In my opinion, this is a common mistake commited by Marxist scholars. Since
profit in capitalism is seen as resulting from the exploitation of labor, it
does not mean that an economy with labor input being zero (i.e. 100%
mechanized production process) would necessarily mean that 'profit' will be
zero in such an economy. As long as the total input needed in the process of
production is less than the total output, you have surplus production; and
100% mechanization does not ipso facto rule out this possibility. So one can
imagine a totally mechanized economy with division of 'capital' and prices
of goods such that the rate of 'profit' is equalized accross sectors. The
economy will simply be not a capitalist economy because it would be missing
an essential element--the wage labor. But a theoretical possibility of such
an economy cannot be denied. Cheers, ajit sinha 






[PEN-L:11302] Re: PE: Anything new?

1997-07-16 Thread Ajit Sinha


>What new ideas/insights has PE come up with recently?
>
>Now ducking for cover . . . 
>
>Eric
_

Well, you might wanna check out 'A Critique of *Capital* vol. one: The value
Controversy Revisited' by Ajit Sinha in *Research in Political Economy vol.
15* 1996. ;) ;)

Cheers, ajit sinha