"Rent"
I happen to think that the original Puccini opera is moving enough. It is interesting that Broadway has also 'copied' Puccini's Madama Butterfly with their "Miss Siagon". The story is the same but the music isn't. But the story stands (unfortunately.) Paul Phillips, Economics, University of Manitoba
income and race
Jeffrey Fellows suggested: "the lower [black] quintiles may also be rising because of sectoral shifts toward industries and occupations that are more highly represented by blacks." While it seems to me absurd to attempt to infer structural changes in the economy based on comparative data on black/white income quintile groups (esp. since the black absolute and relative increases seem too insignificant to have justified this much theorising--to say nothing of the questionable value of any racialised data), I think JF's hypothesis is quite provocative--though I don't think the focus is usefully put on sectors defined by their overrepresentation of blacks as this says nothing about what it is about those sectors explains their relatively faster growth. One wonders whether the US is going through a similar process as Britain a century ago as there is slow growth, if not outright, decline, of the industries which once formed the basis of economic domination (steel, autos, shipbuilding, machine tools); perhaps too much capital remained tied up in antiquated fixed capital and too little surplus value was produced to keep up with continuously growing minimum amount of capital required for business in spheres with a high organic composition. Meanwhile the few newer high technology industries in which there is a high organic composition such as semiconductors and computer hardware employ too few of the workers released or unabsorbed by the once dominant traditional industry. There is then growth in industries which a much lower organic composition of capital. Not only may these firms may be labor intensive, they may be unskilled labor-intensive, which may create relative opportunity for African-American workers whose skills have remained underdeveloped in a racist country. Perhaps then the tight labor market is a better indicator than this comparative black/white data of this structural devolution from an economy of advanced industries in which there was a high organic composition of capital to one in which the most rapid growth--despite a few advanced high technology industries-- is in labor intensive, low skill sectors. I would also like to make a point I made earlier again: the overrepresentation of blacks among the incarcerated is indeed alarming, but this does not mean that race explains why the US has relatively higher incarcertation rates or how crime is defined or what punishments are meted out for which crimes. There may be an interesting class-based critique of the nature of the criminal justice system, which can easily be ignored if we are simply criticising the system because the sentences received by black working class or lumpen criminals are harsher than those received by their white counterparts. This would be a perfect example of how slaves jockeying for position in their servitude miss the big picture, but I haven't read David Garland's Punishment and Modern Society or Jeffrey Reiman's The Rich Get Richer and The Poor Get Prison. Rakesh Grad Student UC Berkeley
Re: Marx, Carey, and India First half of first part
Louis N Proyect wrote: > Michael, > was it ever published? Karl Marx's Crisis Theory: Labor, Scarcity and Fictitious Capital (New York: Praeger, 1987). -- Michael Perelman Economics Department California State University Chico, CA 95929 Tel. 916-898-5321 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Re: Marx, Carey, and India First half of first part
Just so there isn't any confusion. I decoded Michael's article and sent it out as regular text today. It is a titanic work of scholarship. Michael, was it ever published? Louis Proyect On Mon, 3 Nov 1997 [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: > Michael; > > I've downloaded all three Carey files and will read them later. Thanks for > all the information. maggie coleman [EMAIL PROTECTED] > > >
Re: Marx, Carey, and India First half of first part
Michael; I've downloaded all three Carey files and will read them later. Thanks for all the information. maggie coleman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Re: "Rent"
In a message dated 97-11-03 15:35:33 EST, you write: >The fact, brought out during her appalling trial, that English au pair >Louise Woodward had attended ~20 performances of "Rent" in the weeks prior >to her arrest, was likely just one more irrelevant pound of catnip for >those determined to destroy her despite the weight of expert testimony, >along with the sin of her acting lessons and her unforgivable attraction >to Boston's student life. Sleep well, ye brave ones of 1916, avenged at >last! The system that gave us the Simpson trial has produced a fitting >encore indeed. > valis > My feeling was that this was a class thing -- blame the help. With the expert testimony, the only other culprits would have been members of the wealthy upper class family, primarily the parents. The statistics say that most abuse takes place between family members, not outsiders. maggie coleman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Re: income & race
Wow, that's cool, here's another maybe I just noticed: What if metropolitan residents are disproportionately Afro-American and whites are under represented as residents in the metropolitan area... BLS DAILY REPORT, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1997 The average annual pay of workers in metropolitan areas rose 4 percent from 1995 to 1996, according to preliminary data released by BLS. In the nation's 313 metropolitan areas, the average annual pay was $30,250, up from $29,099 in 1995. Average annual pay for the nation as a whole - combining both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas - was $28,945 in 1996. New York topped BLS' list of metropolitan areas with the highest average pay, at $45,028 in 1996 (Daily Labor Report, page D-1). >On Sun, November 2, 1997 at 12:44:35 (-0800) anzalone/starbird writes: >>If so then the 1986-1997 "War on (Black American men mascarading itself as >>a War on) Drugs" might account for a dilution/removal of the most >>employment vulnerable from you statistically pool. >> >>If prisoners don't count, then those Black men who would have been most >>likely to have "driven down the average" by being unemployed the households >>by being listed as the most poor households of your Black community are >>simply not on your ledger at all. >> >>And if indeed, the majority of the prison growth which has been astonishing >>in the years of your inquiry has been directly largely against the most >>economically vulnerable of the Black men, prehaps the mass incarceration >>movement known as the war on drugs can be spotted through your income data. >> >>Asuming the Black prisoners are absent from your statistical pool of Black >>households. (I believe the U.S. now has more African Americans incarcerated >>per capita then the DeKlerk administration of South African apartheid. >> >>The white poor are still with us, but the Black poor are in the slammer. >>Thus whites are poorer, the (free) Blacks are (statistically) thriving >>economically under the Reagan-Bush-Clinton administrations. > >I thumbed through the Statistical Abstract of 1996 and came up with >this: > >Jail Inmates, by Race and Detention Status: 1978 to 1994 > > 22 ++---+---++---++---++--++ > ++ ++ ++ ++ + > 20 ++ ###*** > | # # | > | Black ** # *** #####| > 18 ++ White ## #* * ** # > | # **| > 16 ++ * ++ > | ##* | > | ## * | > 14 ++ ** ++ > | ** | > 12 ++ # *** ++ > | *** | > | ** | > 10 ++ * ++ > ### | >8 ++ ***++ > | | > + ++ ++ ++ + >6 ++---+---++---++---++--++ >1978 19801982 19841986 19881990 1992 1994 > > >Source: _Statistical Abstract of the United States 1996_, p. 219. > >Data: > >Year White Black > -- -- >1978 89418 65104 >1985 151403 102646 >1988 166302 141979 >1989 201372 185910 >1990 186989 174335 >1991 190333 187618 >1992 191632 195156 >1993 180914 203463 >1994 183762 206278 > > >Bill
Re: "Rent"
I haven't seen (or even heard of) "Rent" but my impression was that bourgeois ideas about love ORIGINATED as notions about homosexual love. To be crudely reductionist, the trajectory would be from Greek "military" love to medieval courtly love to bourgeois love, with the hetero-marital thang being a pale imitation of its undomesticated precursors. The irony is that it's only the drag queens who end up permitting themselves to dress as who they REALLY are, the rest of us get stuck with dressing in imitation of what we imagine is the opposite of something we're afraid of being taken for. See also the film, "Paris is Burning". Please excuse the inversions, but that was the point. Regards, Tom Walker ^^^ knoW Ware Communications Vancouver, B.C., CANADA [EMAIL PROTECTED] (604) 688-8296 ^^^ The TimeWork Web: http://www.vcn.bc.ca/timework/
RE: [PEN-L] Re: income & race
But has it not gotten dramatically worse in the last ten years due to so called drug crimes? My last read on the situation was an incredible 1 out of 3 Afro American men are incarcerated, on parole or on probation. 33% is a significant chunk of any population. I don't claim that I've researched this, we are all just spitting in the wind here, but the sentencing has gone up during the same time frame of Doug's inquiry and no other intervening factor of such breadth came to my mind. Industrial work is leaving the country, the last hired first fired rule of senority would not increase employment in a shrinking sector for the bottom of the senority list. I can't for the life of me believe that industrial jobs could be accountable for such a shift. If as I suggest these are the gents most likely to be unemployed clearing them from you stats would indeed paint a rosier picture of those who are left in your pool of consideration. >Yes, black males are imprisoned in much greater proportions than whites. >But this has always been the case. So, while imprisonment rates have >increased for both blacks and whites, and for blacks relative to whites, >I don't think the portion of the increase in the black incarceration >rate is large enough to make the labor scarcity argument work. In >addition, the average time served over all crimes, excluding life or >more sentences) is about 2.6 years. What is the date on that 2.6 year statistic? Mandatory sentencing is far longer than 2.6 for crack the cocaine style used in non-white communities. Not the type of statistics >population trends are built upon. Sectoral shifts in hiring, firing, and >wage payments, and social spending cutbacks, may express themselves >through changes in relative household incomes between and within >racial/ethnic categories much like an aging population would tend to >shift the homicide rate downward. Why all income quintiles are growing >among black households, as Doug noted, implies that blacks at the high >end of the income distribution may be benefitting from the larger trends >in the widening of income distribution (excluding existing wealth), and >the lower quintiles may also be rising because of sectoral shifts toward >industries and occupations that are more highly represented by blacks. >The declingin social safety nets may be pushing proportionally more >minorities into the paid labor market. Of course, increasing earnings >among former social support recipients doesn't mean they are monetarily >better off. And would not the social support gang, like the incarcerated not have shown up on Doug's BLS statistics in the first place? Its a puzzle to me. ellen > >Jeff Fellows > > -- >From: Gerald Levy >To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Subject: [PEN-L] Re: income & race >Date: Sunday, November 02, 1997 4:52PM > >Ellen (anzalone/starbird) wrote: > >> Is it true that inmates incarcerated in prison are NOT counted as >> households in your data? > >To be counted as being employed or unemployed in the US data, one must >first be counted as being part of the labor force. But, the labor force >is >defined in such a way that if you are not "working for pay", then you >must >be "actively seeking paid employment." Since prisoners are not "actively >seeking paid employment", they are not counted as being part of the >labor >force or the unemployed. Aren't bourgeois statistics beautiful? > >> The white poor are still with us, but the Black poor are in the >slammer. > >Huh? You don't actually believe that a majority of "Black poor are in >the >slammer", do you? > >> , the (free) Blacks are (statistically) thriving >> economically under the Reagan-Bush-Clinton administrations. > >Huh? In what sense did "(free) Blacks" thrive since 1980? > >Jerry
Re: "Rent"
At 11:48 AM 11/3/97 -0800, you wrote: >On Saturday, I saw the musical "Rent" and would be interested in what other >people on pen-l think about it. (Luckily my in-laws paid for the tix; this >ain't people's theatre.) I thought its point was that the "bourgeois" ideas >about love and its importance applied not only to the usual "straight" >couples but also to down-and-out bohemians, including AIDS-stricken gays, >lesbians, and drag queens. > >in pen-l solidarity, > >Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] >http://clawww.lmu.edu/1997F/ECON/jdevine.html >"Dear, you increase the dopamine in my accumbens." -- words of love for the >1990s. > I haven't seen "Rent", but it should be noted that it is based on Puccini's "La Boheme" which is itself based on Henri Murger's novel, who lived from 1822 to 1861. The novel and the opera are designed to give the middle-class a voyeur's delight with the travails and joys of the dispossessed. "Rent" is clearly in this tradition from what I understand. The audience that attends each performance on Broadway is about as remote from the lower east side as was the audience that used to attend "Hair". Like "Hair", I understand that "Rent" is excellent theatre with 3-dimensional characters and good music. My favorite treatment of Murger's novel is the movie done by the saturnine, anti-capitalist Finnish director Kaurismaki: 'La Vie de Boheme (NR) By Desson Howe Washington Post Staff Writer November 05, 1993 Nothing actualy "happens" in an Aki Kaurismaki film. But things emerge -- deadpan, funny things. You have to become accustomed to the movie's low blood pressure, its subtly satiric rhythms. The Finnish director has an exact target in mind, the niche between bathos and true poignance. His characters seem subdued, even hypnotized, but they're single-mindedly aware of the grim existence around their necks. The effect is funny, but not whoopingly campy. Their personal pain is too real and involving to push them into that zone. In "La Vie de Boheme," Kaurismaki's slow-and-steady mood piece about artistic squalor in Paris, all of these things come into signature play. Based on the same 19th-century novel (Henri Murger's "Scenes de la Vie de Boheme) that inspired Puccini's opera, the story is about three down-and-out losers doomed to penury and artistic obsession. There's Albanian painter Rodolfo (Matti Pellonpaa), playwright Marcel (Andre Wilms) and composer Schaunard (Kari Vaananen). Their problems are exactly the same: no rent or food money and the futile struggle to be recognized. It doesn't help Marcel that he refuses to reduce his 21-act play to commercial size or that the chances of Schaunard's latest work making it (it's called "The Influence of Blue on Art") seem remote. The story -- by Kaurismaki's disingenuous admission -- is intentionally awful and meandering. But it's regularly interrupted by the mutely amusing -- or the sad. Enter, for instance, rich gentleman Jean-Pierre Leaud (Francois Truffaut's erstwhile leading man), who commissions a self-portrait from Rodolfo. While Leaud poses, playwright Marcel, pretending to hang up the client's tuxedo jacket, uses it for a job interview. He gets the job and brings the jacket back just in time (actually, he's about 10 excruciating seconds late). An affair between Rodolfo and Mimi (Evelyne Didi), a quiet, constantly perturbed woman, becomes very real, particularly when poverty (and Rodolfo's eviction by the immigration authorities) forces them apart. She eventually returns but they have to face her tubercular future together. "Boheme," which runs until Nov. 17 at the Biograph, will be shown in tandem (from Nov. 12 to 17) with three other Kaurismaki films: "The Match Factory Girl," "Leningrad Cowboys Go America" and "Ariel." To see one Kaurismaki is to see them all, but you should see them all. Copyright The Washington Post Louis Proyect
RE: "Rent"
Treacy: Try the English movie, "The Full Monty" A tale of unemployed Sheffield steel workers adapting to the a brave new and certainly funnier world. Here in Yellow Springs the audience just laughed and laughed along. My sweetheart made some allusion to the fact that the guy that was wrapping himself in Saran wrap to hold in his paunch while eating a candy bar reminded her of me. [EMAIL PROTECTED] -Original Message- Sent: Monday, November 03, 1997 2:49 PM To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject:"Rent" On Saturday, I saw the musical "Rent" and would be interested in what other people on pen-l think about it. (Luckily my in-laws paid for the tix; this ain't people's theatre.) I thought its point was that the "bourgeois" ideas about love and its importance applied not only to the usual "straight" couples but also to down-and-out bohemians, including AIDS-stricken gays, lesbians, and drag queens. in pen-l solidarity, Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://clawww.lmu.edu/1997F/ECON/jdevine.html "Dear, you increase the dopamine in my accumbens." -- words of love for the 1990s.
RE: dead girls
Treacy: While individual decision making by Chinese families may result in a sharp decrease in live female births it cannot last. It is a dynamically unstable situation. In the U.S. we typically have a slightly higher male birth rate but the male/female ration tends towards 1 after the age of sixteen when males start knocking themselves off at a faster rate than females. I don't recall too many girls laying rubber down to impress the boys in the high school parking lot. This is a prima fascia case for higher female intelligence. At Texas A&M University before it became sexually integrated the local girls used to suffer from what I called the triple p syndrome. Hundreds of guys paying court to a very limited supply of College Station high school girls. Susan, a daughter of one of my friends told me it was a shocking experience to go to school over at the University of Texas at Austin because she did not have a date for months on end. The female shortage also created mass exodus of our male student body on Corp of Cadet trips to away football games. One of my old colleagues used to say, "If it was a Corp trip to Hell they would still want to leave three days early." [EMAIL PROTECTED] -Original Message- Sent: Sunday, November 02, 1997 11:51 PM To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject:Re: dead girls New York Times, October 30, 1997, p. A31. "China's Missing Girls" by Bob Herbert. "There has never been the kind of international outcry that there should be over the girls who are missing from the population of China. The world has largely closed its eyes to this immense tragedy. A cultural preference for boys and China's ruthlessly enforced childbearing restrictions have resulted in the wholesale destruction of girl babies through gross neglect, abandonment, infanticide and, in recent years, the targeted abortion of female fetuses. Susan Greenhalgh, an anthropologist from the University of California at Irvine who has studied this problem for a number of years, described the situation as "frightening." In a paper she co-wrote two years ago with demographer Jiali Li, Ms. Greenhalgh said that little girls were being eliminated from Chinese society "on a massive scale." An American who did volunteer work at an orphanage in Guangzhou, formerly Canton, reported witnessing the disposal of the bodies of abandoned girls who had died at the orphanage. She said they were carted out in wheelbarrows, tossed into a dumpster and ultimately taken away by municipal garbage collectors. The volunteer said she was devastated by the sight. No one knows how many girls have been lost but the demographic data show that the toll has been enormous. There is now a profound imbalance in favor of boys in the number of small children in China. Normally the number of boys and girls in a society is roughly in balance, However, the sex ratios tend to be skewed in favor of boys in those cultures with a heavy preference for boys. In China, according to William Lavely, a demographer and profesor of international studies at the university of Washington, the ratios of boys to girls have risen dramatically, even for a society that prizes boys, and are at "very alarming levels now." Citing statistics from a Chinese census sampling in 1995, Mr. Lavely noted that among 4-year-olds there are 115 boys for every 100 girls; among 3-year-olds, 119 boys per 100 girls; among 2-year-olds , 121 boys; among 1-year-olds, 121 boys; and among children less than a year old, 116 boys per 100 girls. What happened to all those girls? Mr. Lavely said there was no doubt that the number of sex-selective abortions was increasing, but he noted that differences in the mortality rate for girl babies and boy babies were a substantial factor. The census data, he said, suggest "that the infant mortality rate for girls relative to boys worsened in the 1990s." ... A report compiled by Mr. Lavely said census figures showed that "about 5.8 percent of girls born in 1989-90 went 'missing' from the population. Of these, at least 19.5 percent are missing due to female mortality in excess of [that] expected, and 80.5 percent are missing due to other unknown causes." ""For the 1995 birth cohort," said Mr. Lavely,"9.6 percent of girls are missing, of which 15 percent of the missing are due to mortality and the other 85 percent ... are due to unknon causes." There was some improvement in the ratio of bous to girls in 1994-95. A greater international spotlight on the problem would probably accelerate the improvement. /but compared with matters like trade, technological advances and the treatment of dissidents, the slaughter of girl babied can be a tough sell. all typing errors are my fault, maggie coleman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Re: "Rent"
> On Saturday, I saw the musical "Rent" and would be interested in what other > people on pen-l think about it. (Luckily my in-laws paid for the tix; this > ain't people's theatre.) I thought its point was that the "bourgeois" ideas > about love and its importance applied not only to the usual "straight" > couples but also to down-and-out bohemians, including AIDS-stricken gays, > lesbians, and drag queens. The fact, brought out during her appalling trial, that English au pair Louise Woodward had attended ~20 performances of "Rent" in the weeks prior to her arrest, was likely just one more irrelevant pound of catnip for those determined to destroy her despite the weight of expert testimony, along with the sin of her acting lessons and her unforgivable attraction to Boston's student life. Sleep well, ye brave ones of 1916, avenged at last! The system that gave us the Simpson trial has produced a fitting encore indeed. valis
Michael Perelman's Marx/Carey/India article decoded
POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE PRESS: KARL MARX AND HENRY CAREY AT THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE For many years, Karl Marx earned his living as a correspondent for the widely read New York Daily Tribune. The Weekly Tribune, which was composed of selections from the daily edition, had a circulation of 200,000 (see Marx 1860, p. 265). Marx was naturally proud to be invited to be a part of the Tribune, which he considered to be "the 'leading [verbreitetste] journal' in the United States" (Marx to Engels, 14 June 1853; in Marx and Engels 1975, p. 79). In the duly famous introduction to his Critique of Political Economy, he wrote of his "collaboration with the New York Tribune, the leading Anglo-American newspaper" (Marx 1859, p. 23). The editor, Charles Dana, considered Marx's contributions to be very important. The biographer of Horace Greeley, owner of the Tribune, offered a description of a typical working day at the Tribune: "Mr. Dana enters with a quick, decided step, goes straight to his desk and is lost in perusal of 'Karl Marx' or 'An American Woman in Paris'. [Parton 1854; cited in Draper 1968, p. 11]" On 12 March 1852, Dana wrote, "It may perhaps give you pleasure to know that [your articles] are read with satisfaction by a considerable number of persons, and are widely reproduced" (cited in Blitzer 1966, p. xix). Marx basked in the glow of a leader that Dana attached to one of Marx's articles: "we may properly pay a tribute to the remarkable ability of the correspondent by whom this interesting piece of intelligence is furnished." In a letter to Engels, Marx drew the conclusion, "As you see, I am firmly in the saddle" (Marx to Engels, 26 April 1853; reprinted in CW: 39, pp. 315-16). When the 1857 crisis compelled the Tribune to reduce its staff, Marx was one of the two correspondents who remained on the payroll (Padover 1978, p. 287), although, as we shall see, this honor was rather hollow. Indeed, although Dana later assured Marx in a letter that Marx was "not only one of the most highly valued, but one of the best paid contributors attached to the journal," Dana had no intention of making his sentiments (reprinted in Marx 1860, pp. 323-24). Many years afterwards, as editor of the Sun, Dana requested information from Marx concerning the International. Marx's answer, which arrived only a few months before his death, was printed, along with a short statement from Dana in which he praised Marx as "an extraordinary man." Dana added: His talents were brilliant and his learning varied and accurate. [Reprinted in Marx and Engels 1978, Vol. 22; Appendix, p. 1095]. MARX'S SECRET WAR ON CAPITAL Marx was delighted with the opportunity to write for the Tribune. His finances were at low ebb. Besides, the paper actually offered him the chance to teach socialism to the capitalists. That idea was not so far fetched as it might sound today. Between 1852 and 1854, about one-half million Germans landed in New York, including a good number of Marx's comrades-in-arms from the Revolution of 1848 (see Padover 1978, p. 303). Of these, a not insubstantial portion managed to combine personal success with a vague retention of their earlier revolutionary ideals. The Tribune also drew upon the New England transcendental heritage of a sentimental opposition to capitalism. The marriage between Marx and the Tribune seemed to have been made in a socialist heaven. The Tribune published 487 articles from Marx. He wrote 350 by himself and 12 together with Engels. The other 125 articles he submitted were written by Engels (Ibid., p. 287). Almost one-quarter of his contributions were printed as unsigned editorials (Padover 1980, p. 168), although the paper chose Engels' articles as editorials more frequently than those written by Marx (see Blitzer 1966, p. xxi). At one point, Marx's contributions were used so extensively that he could write to Engels that "for eight weeks past, Marx-Engels have virtually constituted the EDITORIAL STAFF of the Tribune" (Marx to Engels, 14 December 1853; reprinted in CW: 19, p. 404). A good number of Marx's articles were economic in nature. One source estimates that 50 of the 321 articles that it attributes to Marx concern economic matters (see Padover 1978, p. 308). Thus we could properly describe Marx as one of the most influential financial writers in this hemisphere. Although Marx was not residing in the United States, his base in London may actually have been an advantage. After all, England was still "the metropolis of capital" (Marx to Meyer and Vogt, 9 April 1870; in Marx and Engels 1975, p. 223). At first, Marx worried that his intended conquest might not succeed. He fretted: "Greeley reported in the Tribune the speech Heinzen made there, and went on to praise the man. So storm clouds are threatening me from that quarter. If we send him [Dana] short articles, he will think he is being fleeced and will cast me out of the temple, since he now has such a plentiful supply from Heinzen, Ruge and B. Ba
Re: [PEN-L] empiricism in p.e.
Jim Devine writes: This neoclassical analysis, BTW, is not totally and utterly wrong: if one takes competition for granted and looks at matters simply from the perspective of one company, one might see the workers and management has having a shared community of interests. Until, at least, management shuts down the quality circles and moves the plant to Mexico... The "truth" of the collective goods analysis of capitalist production is also based on a static perspective, something that infects all or almost all neoclassicals. COMMENT: I don't see this. If co-operation within a competitive system increased the size of the company pie this would certainly be a potential pareto improvement but that does not show there is a community of interests at all. Capital still wants to maximise its share of the pie and workers may get even less pie in absolute terms let alone relative terms. The concept of a shared community of interests is just a part of ideology without being a part of the theoretical (and also ideological) apparatus of neoclassical analysis. Indeed what seems to be happening is that labor is less able to capture benefits produced by greater productivity etc. Propogandists cite the bigger pie as a reason for co-operation what why should I help the virtuous capitalist little red hen bake a bigger pie when all I get is fewer crumbs? As for looking at the situation in the wider context surely neo-classical analysis could equally claim that there is a potential pareto improvement on a (global?) scale. The analysis is equally "true" within its own presuppositions. Everyone potentially benefits if capital moves to Mexico and provides cheaper goods of the same quality etc.; but again there is no necessary community of interest. This is true not only of the workers at the closed plant versus capital but also of the Mexican workers who may now have jobs that they previously did not. On the static perspective of neo-classical analysis. I have always wondered how neo-classicals fit in patents into their analysis. This is clearly a concept of dynamic rather than static efficiency. To give monopoly rights to produce something seems to be in basic contradiction to standard analysis of a free market being pareto optimal. Even Milton Friedman seems unhappy with existing 20 year monopoly rights in that he claims (in CAPITALISM AND FREEDOM) that the period is too long. I think he suggests something like 14 but admits he hasn't some proof as to what time period would maximize efficiency. Cheers, Ken Hanly
RE: [PEN-L] Re: income & race
Yes, black males are imprisoned in much greater proportions than whites. But this has always been the case. So, while imprisonment rates have increased for both blacks and whites, and for blacks relative to whites, I don't think the portion of the increase in the black incarceration rate is large enough to make the labor scarcity argument work. In addition, the average time served over all crimes, excluding life or more sentences) is about 2.6 years. Not the type of statistics population trends are built upon. Sectoral shifts in hiring, firing, and wage payments, and social spending cutbacks, may express themselves through changes in relative household incomes between and within racial/ethnic categories much like an aging population would tend to shift the homicide rate downward. Why all income quintiles are growing among black households, as Doug noted, implies that blacks at the high end of the income distribution may be benefitting from the larger trends in the widening of income distribution (excluding existing wealth), and the lower quintiles may also be rising because of sectoral shifts toward industries and occupations that are more highly represented by blacks. The declingin social safety nets may be pushing proportionally more minorities into the paid labor market. Of course, increasing earnings among former social support recipients doesn't mean they are monetarily better off. Jeff Fellows -- From: Gerald Levy To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [PEN-L] Re: income & race Date: Sunday, November 02, 1997 4:52PM Ellen (anzalone/starbird) wrote: > Is it true that inmates incarcerated in prison are NOT counted as > households in your data? To be counted as being employed or unemployed in the US data, one must first be counted as being part of the labor force. But, the labor force is defined in such a way that if you are not "working for pay", then you must be "actively seeking paid employment." Since prisoners are not "actively seeking paid employment", they are not counted as being part of the labor force or the unemployed. Aren't bourgeois statistics beautiful? > The white poor are still with us, but the Black poor are in the slammer. Huh? You don't actually believe that a majority of "Black poor are in the slammer", do you? > , the (free) Blacks are (statistically) thriving > economically under the Reagan-Bush-Clinton administrations. Huh? In what sense did "(free) Blacks" thrive since 1980? Jerry
Re: [PEN-L] empiricism in p.e.
I had written: >>This neoclassical analysis [treating capitalist production as a matter of the production of a collective good], BTW, is not totally and utterly wrong: if one takes competition for granted and looks at matters simply from the perspective of one company, one might see the workers and management has having a shared community of interests. Until, at least, management shuts down the quality circles and moves the plant to Mexico... The "truth" of the collective goods analysis of capitalist production is also based on a static perspective, something that infects all or almost all neoclassicals. << Ken Hanly COMMENTs:> I don't see this. If co-operation within a competitive system increased the size of the company pie this would certainly be a potential pareto improvement but that does not show there is a community of interests at all. Capital still wants to maximise its share of the pie and workers may get even less pie in absolute terms let alone relative terms. The concept of a shared community of interests is just a part of ideology without being a part of the theoretical (and also ideological) apparatus of neoclassical analysis. Indeed what seems to be happening is that labor is less able to capture benefits produced by greater productivity etc. Propogandists cite the bigger pie as a reason for co-operation what why should I help the virtuous capitalist little red hen bake a bigger pie when all I get is fewer crumbs?...< I wasn't agreeing with the n.c. analysis as much as saying that it made sense in a very limited context, from a very partial perspective. GM tells its workers that if "we all fight together against Toyota, there will be bonuses (boni?) for all." From a less partial perspective, this appeal to short-term individual interests is simply a ploy in a battle between divergent long-term class interests. Workers are pushed to focus on short-term individual interests by the existence of unemployment and management systems that divide and conquer. that's all for today... in pen-l solidarity, Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://clawww.lmu.edu/1997F/ECON/jdevine.html "The only trouble with capitalism is capitalists. They're too damned greedy." -- Herbert Hoover
the au pair case
Maggie C. writes: >The statistics say that most abuse takes place between family members, not outsiders. < That's why I've always envied orphans & hermits. ;-) As singer-songwriter Peter Case notes, the reason he never goes home is because that's where accidents are most likely to happen. I've always thought that accidents are most likely to happen at home because that's where people are most likely to be. Is this true of family murders & abuse, too? (that is, is a person more likely to be killed or tortured by a family member or close acquaintance because that person is most likely to be with family or acquaintances at any one time?) in pen-l solidarity, Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://clawww.lmu.edu/1997F/ECON/jdevine.html "It takes a busload of faith to get by." -- Lou Reed.
Libya - End The Embargo, End The Hypocrisy - MER QUOTE of the WEEK & Editorial (fwd)
FYI Shawgi Tell Graduate School of Education University at Buffalo [EMAIL PROTECTED] -- Forwarded message -- Date: Mon, 03 Nov 1997 08:23:48 -0500 From: MID-EAST REALITIES <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: Libya - End The Embargo, End The Hypocrisy - MER QUOTE of the WEEK & Editorial - ___ __ / |/ / /___/ / /_ // M I D - E A S T R E A L I T I E S / /|_/ / /_/_ / /\\ http://WWW.MiddleEast.Org /_/ /_/ /___/ /_/ \\ QUOTE OF THE WEEK & EDITORIAL: LIBYA - END THE EMBARGO, END THE HYPOCRISY _ Only if you are on the new MER list will you receive all MER articles. To make sure email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] for the latest information. _ CLEARLY MANDELA IS SPEAKING ABOUT THE USA "Those who object to my visiting Libya have no morals, and I will not join them because I have morals... Ghadafi is my friend. He helped us at a time when we were alone. And the ones who are trying to stop us from coming here were helping our enemies at that time." Nelson Mandela President, South Africa October 1997 when visiting Tripoli, Libya LIBYA - MANDELA IS RIGHT...TIME TO END EMBARGO MER - Washington - 11/1/97: The Americans are surely one of the most hypocritical countries. U.N. resolutions are being so sanctimoneously "enforced" for Iraq and Libya; but they have been repeatedly ignored and disregarded for Israel, most recently just last year regarding the terrible massacre at Qana. The Americans insist that the Arab boycott of Israel be ended; but they freely boycott Cuba and Iran and even threaten others who will not do as they command. The Americans insist that nuclear proliferation be prevented; but they make it possible for Israel to have such weapons instigating today's regional arms race. One could go on and on when it comes to American double- standards and self-serving hypocrisy. No lack of situations or evidence about these matters. As for the Pan Am bombing controversy, the Libyans have long offered to let the Libyans be tried in a third country. Fair enough. And for the U.N. Security Council to hold out for the American position on this, as on so many other crucial matters, shows what a patsy the U.N. has allowed itself to become in recent years. And while we're at it, maybe the Americans who ordered the bombing of Tripoli and the attempted assassination of Ghadafi a decade ago should finally be told they have to agree to be tried in the same third country at the same time. _ MID-EAST REALITIES is published a number of times weekly. To receive MER regularly email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For latest information about the weekly MER-TV program email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] M I D - E A S TR E A L I T I E S MER may be freely distributed by email and on the Internet so long as there is no editing and the entire article including all opening and closing MER information is included. For any print publication, permission in writing is required. [EMAIL PROTECTED] / Fax 202 362-6965 / Phone 202 362-5266
Truckers' strike in France
The Daily Telegraph Monday 3 November 1997 BLOCKADES GO UP IN FRANCE AGAIN By David Graves in Calais and Susannah Herbert in Paris Militant French lorry drivers threatened to cause havoc to trade by blockading Calais and the Channel tunnel last night as pay talks failed. The drivers, who created chaos a year ago with a 12-day strike, were also setting up blockades around France. Lionel Jospin, the prime minister, attempted to broker a last-minute deal but the main employers' organisation walked out and unions followed suit. A spokesman for the pro-Socialist CFDT drivers' union said its members in the Calais and Lille areas had voted to strike. "It would be strategically naive of us not to consider blockading Calais," he said. "It is very important for us." The strike, due to start officially at 10 o'clock last night, has alarmed France's European neighbours, who fear a repeat of last year's disruption. It has also caused panic among French consumers, who besieged petrol stations at the weekend to stock up with fuel before the strike's repercussions are felt. "People are turning nasty because they remember what it was like last year," said a pump attendant at a garage in central Paris. Elsewhere, garages were swamped by motorists willing to wait for up to four hours to fill cans. A spokesman for Eurotunnel said "contingency plans" were in operation in the event of a blockade. It was expected that services for cars would still run but freight would be stopped. Ferry operators were planning to divert many of their Calais sailings to Zeebrugge. Kent police were ready to implement their "Operation Stack" contingency plan to close sections of the M20 to accommodate hundreds of British and foreign lorries stranded by the dispute. They will be escorted to Dover in quotas to board Zeebrugge-bound ferries if Calais is closed, but a spokesman said "considerable" delays were expected. Union leaders have threatened to set up a total of 35 road blocks throughout France: cars will be let through but lorries will be turned back or forced to stop. At its height, last year's strike comprised 250 blockades, jeopardising deliveries throughout Europe. "Everything is ready. We're not frightened of unpopularity," said Jean Vandecasteele, general secretary of the transport section of the Force Ouvriere union in northern France. Michel Beau of the CFDT agreed, promising to man the barricades until demands were met: "We're not just here for a couple of days." "We're not going to stop our strike simply because we've been given a few ridiculous concessions. The men here aren't happy; and anyway, the agreements signed last year still haven't been respected," said Christian Felin, of the Force Ouvriere. Despite pressure from the French government - which pledged a cut in haulage taxes in an attempt to persuade employers to give in to union demands - Saturday's tentative accord was rejected by the biggest employers' group, the Union of Transport Federations, which represents four-fifths of France's 38,000 haulage companies. The accord would have raised drivers' wages by five per cent between now and the year 2000, but it failed to tackle the key dispute, which concerns rates of pay for hours worked, including down-time during loading and unloading. The unions' demand for a guaranteed salary of 10,000 francs (1,000) for 200 hours of work a month was also ignored. France's 340,000 lorry drivers, who are among the worst paid in Europe, earning an average of 750 a month for 250 hours' work, want a minimum wage of approximately 5 an hour. They also claim that agreements signed after last year's strike have not been honoured. The haulage companies claim that implementing last year's deal and signing a new one on pay and hours will force many of them into bankruptcy and prevent them from competing with foreign firms when Europe's haulage industry is deregulated next summer. On Saturday evening, M Jospin offered to lower haulage taxes by 800 francs (80) per lorry to take pressure off the two sides. This failed to reconcile the sides: the CGT union left the talks after the UTF employers' organisation withdrew, making the agreement reached virtually worthless. British drivers are still awaiting compensation from Paris for loss of earnings suffered in last year's strike. About 1,000 British drivers were caught up in the dispute and only four claims have been settled. The Road Haulage Association, which represents British transport companies, said the strike could result in shortages of some food products in Britain within several days. Asda supermarkets have chartered a ship to transport 40 lorries loaded with fruit and vegetables from Algeciras in Spain to Southampton. A port spokesman at D
MAI book, Paul Hellyer (fwd)
> Paul Hellyer, former cabinet minister in the Pearson > government, told me today that he has written a new > book on MAI etc. > > Title: THE EVIL EMPIRE: Globalizatio's Darker Side > > ISBN: 0-9694394-5-8 > > Paperback coming out soon. > > "The Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), > which the government plans to sign, is the most > frightening threat to Canadian sovereignty ever. > It must be stopped." > > Paul Hellyer > > .. > > Bob Olsen Toronto [EMAIL PROTECTED] ]:-) > >
Re: income & race
On Sun, November 2, 1997 at 12:44:35 (-0800) anzalone/starbird writes: >If so then the 1986-1997 "War on (Black American men mascarading itself as >a War on) Drugs" might account for a dilution/removal of the most >employment vulnerable from you statistically pool. > >If prisoners don't count, then those Black men who would have been most >likely to have "driven down the average" by being unemployed the households >by being listed as the most poor households of your Black community are >simply not on your ledger at all. > >And if indeed, the majority of the prison growth which has been astonishing >in the years of your inquiry has been directly largely against the most >economically vulnerable of the Black men, prehaps the mass incarceration >movement known as the war on drugs can be spotted through your income data. > >Asuming the Black prisoners are absent from your statistical pool of Black >households. (I believe the U.S. now has more African Americans incarcerated >per capita then the DeKlerk administration of South African apartheid. > >The white poor are still with us, but the Black poor are in the slammer. >Thus whites are poorer, the (free) Blacks are (statistically) thriving >economically under the Reagan-Bush-Clinton administrations. I thumbed through the Statistical Abstract of 1996 and came up with this: Jail Inmates, by Race and Detention Status: 1978 to 1994 22 ++---+---++---++---++--++ ++ ++ ++ ++ + 20 ++ ###*** | # # | | Black ** # *** #####| 18 ++ White ## #* * ** # | # **| 16 ++ * ++ | ##* | | ## * | 14 ++ ** ++ | ** | 12 ++ # *** ++ | *** | | ** | 10 ++ * ++ ### | 8 ++ ***++ | | + ++ ++ ++ + 6 ++---+---++---++---++--++ 1978 19801982 19841986 19881990 1992 1994 Source: _Statistical Abstract of the United States 1996_, p. 219. Data: Year White Black -- -- 1978 89418 65104 1985 151403 102646 1988 166302 141979 1989 201372 185910 1990 186989 174335 1991 190333 187618 1992 191632 195156 1993 180914 203463 1994 183762 206278 Bill
Re: Lenin-Stalin
> Date sent: Fri, 31 Oct 1997 14:18:13 -0500 > Send reply to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > From: Louis Proyect <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Subject:Re: Lenin-Stalin Earlier I (Duchesne) wrote: > >First, let me say I tend to disagree with those who say that Stalin > >was merely following in the footsteps of Lenin. Turning the question > >around, however, I think Lenin has to be criticized for his > >"merciless" disposition toward those in the left who were not with > >the Bolsheviks. For example in his opposition to a > >workers' strike in Moscow in April 1919, he gave the following order: > >"Require the Moscow Cheka to carry out merciless arrests among > >the strikers and delegates". Many such examples can be cited. > >Now, Stalin looked up to Lenin's unwavering-merciless politics; and > >Lenin depended and liked Stalin's unrestrained ways in dealing with > >opponents - particularly during the civil war. But Stalin was TOO > >callous and cruel in his dealings with the Georgians, which led > >Lenin, in Dec. 1922, to accuse him of "Russian chauvinism" - this > >before he heard about Stalin's conduct toward Krupskaya. > > Proyect responded: > This is really banal. > > In Duchesne's post, the politics of the early Soviet Union gets turned into > a study of who was more of a 'mensch' than the next person. (Spanish for > decent human being.) Lenin started out as a mensch and then got swayed by > somebody who was no mensch at all. Then, when it was practically too late, > he decided to turn against the 'mamzer' Stalin. (Spanish for villain.) You > end up with a Shakespearean play, not a Marxist understanding of the rise > of a dictatorship in the USSR. Stalin = Richard III (thoroughly evil). > Lenin = Othello (evil, but understandably so). Ricardo: It really astonishes me that after the millions (!) of people that were killed under Stalin in the name of socialism, you still see ethics in politics as a trivial issue. I would say, rather, that any Marxist account which does not hold Stalin and his followers morally responsible for the Terror is trivial. Proyect continues: > It is astonishing that Duchesne, a "Marxist", does not place the directive > to supress strikers in any kind of historical context. There was a civil > war in the Soviet Union and any repressive measures have to be judged > against an appropriate yardstick. The Sandinistas also broke strikes in > their initial months in office. What has to be understood is that the > unions were led by Maoists and ultraleft Trotskyists who sought the > overthrow of the government. This was at the same time that contra bands > had begun to appear in the south under Eden Pastora's leadership. > > Lenin's motivation was to defend a worker's state under siege. Stalin's > motivation was to defend the privileges of the nomenclature. Ricardo: There would be truth to this if such repressive measures were limited to a civil war situation. But the real problem lies in the very nature of the Bolshevik party and the notion that an elite of `professional revolutionaries' can best decide what is the best for everyone else. Democracy within that elite is no democracy at all; which is why the Bolsheviks had no qualms liquidating the Constituent Assembly in October 1917. Such an act led to the complete monopolization of power by the Bolsheviks; on the basis of which Stalin was able later to carry his `revolution from above'. This is only trivial to dogmatic Marxists, who have a tendency to belittle any notion of constitutional rights, particulary when it does not apply to them. Proyect continues: > And so what is Duchesne's lesson? We should not be cruel to one another? > Okay, I'll drink to that. Well, mostly, that is. If it was up to me, I'd > take the palm oil plantation owners who are burning down the Borneo > rainforests, put them in jail and throw away the key. Sometimes it is good > to apply force and repression. After all, we live in a world that is based > on the force and repression of the dominant class. To sit on your hands and > do nothing is to accomodate to that class. It was to Lenin's everlasting > credit that he confronted that class. Long after the official cult of Lenin > in the former Soviet Union and "Marxist-Leninist" parties is dead, his real > contributions as revolutionary will be respected. Ricardo: Yes, if "it was up to you"; if only YOU could have it your way; you, a particular INDIVIDUAL, would have no political hesitations dealing with your opponents, you would be a `real' man. Well, sorry to tell you, but this male-centered, individualist conception of politics is outdated. ricardo
"Rent"
On Saturday, I saw the musical "Rent" and would be interested in what other people on pen-l think about it. (Luckily my in-laws paid for the tix; this ain't people's theatre.) I thought its point was that the "bourgeois" ideas about love and its importance applied not only to the usual "straight" couples but also to down-and-out bohemians, including AIDS-stricken gays, lesbians, and drag queens. in pen-l solidarity, Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://clawww.lmu.edu/1997F/ECON/jdevine.html "Dear, you increase the dopamine in my accumbens." -- words of love for the 1990s.
Social Clause - Radha D'Souza article (fwd)
> From [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sun Nov 2 22:05:18 1997 > To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], > [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Subject: Social Clause - Radha D'Souza article > From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Gatt Watchdog) > > LINKING LABOUR RIGHTS TO WORLD TRADE: TRADE OR WORKERS' RIGHTS? > RADHA D'SOUZA > Even as the world globalises, liberalises, and transforms itself into a > level playing field for the unseen hand of the market, many a nook and > corner of the society hitherto thought to be beyond the boundaries of global > playing fields are increasingly brought within its ambit. Labour is one such > issue. Labour has always had two faces. From its inception, capitalist > enterprises have treated labour as a commodity to be bought and sold at the > labour-market. Workers and their representatives on the other hand have > sought to emphasis its human face - that the living and often wilful nature > of this commodity is such that it cannot be reduced to yet another > statistical table that can be monitored through monetarist regimes. The > Philadelphia Declaration, the founding document of the International Labour > Organisation states labour is not a commodity. > > Is labour a commodity to be regulated by international trade regimes? Or, is > it an issue for civil society to determine in accordance with national > mandates? The question is fast becoming another contentious issue of our > times. The WTO Ministerial meeting last December ended another round of > sparring. The issue is should or should not labour standards be linked to > international trade. > > The December round ended in a draw. United States and Norway lead the team > in favour of a trade linked social clause under the WTO regime. The > developing countries had earlier vowed not to allow the issue to be included > on the WTO agenda. The issue did find a place on the agenda at the > ministerial conference, a score in favour of the United States. However the > ministerial declaration did not go beyond stating "The International Labour > Organisation (ILO) is the competent body to set and deal with these > standards, and we affirm our support for its work in supporting them." A > point in favour of the developing countries. With many more matches to watch > in the coming two years leading up to the next ministerial meeting in 1998, > it may be worthwhile to ask are we leveling the playing field or changing > the rules of the game? > > Much before the issue ever featured in the GATT negotiations, the United > States was already imposing unilateral trade sanctions on what it considered > 'social dumping'. Products made under repressive labour conditions amounted > to social dumping. The developing countries cried foul - having agreed to > intellectual property rights, technology clauses, investment liberalization, > matters where the developed countries are stronger, imposing labour > conditions they say is a non-tariff barrier and protectionism. There was no > pretence on the part of governments during the acrimonious debates at the > Ministerial conference. The issue of labour standards was clearly about > trade and not any altruistic concerns about workers. > > However there are many out there who believe something needs to be done if > workers' conditions are to improve in a world increasingly dominated ledger > balances and book keeping. If free trade is what is causing the > deterioration in conditions of workers, something needs to be done to rein > in free trade - and imposing labour standards could do just that according > to them. There is unanimity on the meaning of labour standards, however. > Labour standards are a core set of rights comprising of the right to > organise, right to collective bargaining, non-discrimination in matters of > employment, and abolition of certain gross forms of labour such as child > labour and bonded labour. It does not include wages, and conditions of work. > Wages and working conditions must be determined by markets. Labour rights > are human rights issues and must be enforced by all 'civilised' nations - so > the argument goes. > > This distinction between labour rights and labour standards is based on the > assumption, if labour rights exist, labour standards will follow - for > workers will organise and tame the markets. Yet deregulation of labour > markets has been an important feature of economic reforms everywhere. Trade > union organisations are seen as cartels that dictate monopoly wage prices. > In country after country, amendments to labour laws has been a critical part > of the market deregulation policies. The World Bank thought the subject > important enough to devote the 1996 World Development Report to the theme > "Workers in a Global World". > > Do labour rights then automatically lead to better labour standards? > Conversely are the inhuman conditions of labour in countries a result of > absence of labour rights? > > Co
Hearings start Nov 4 (fwd)
> Date: Sat, 01 Nov 1997 17:22:44 -0800 > From: Vacek <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Subject: MAI HEARINGS > > E-mail Press Release > October 30, 1997 > Please distribute widely to your mailing lists > > MAI HEARINGS TO BE HELD IN NOVEMBER IN OTTAWA > > A sub-committee of the International Trade and Foreign Affairs > Parliamentary Standing Committee is to hold public hearings on > the MAI during the month of November. > > Last week Sergio Marchi, Minister of International Trade, announced > that he was asking the Parliamentary Standing committee on > International Trade and Foreign Affairs to undertake the > responsibility for holding public hearings on the Multilateral > Agreement on Investment (MAI), and report back with their findings > by mid December 1997! > > The main committee has now completed forming a sub-committee, which > will be responsible for holding the hearings. The sub-committee is > required to report its findings and recommendations to the main > committee by mid-December 1997. > > The sub-committee is made up of 9 members, chaired by Bob Speller, > Liberal member, Haldimand-Norfolk-Brant, Ontario. The committee is > composed of 5 Liberals, 1 NDP, 1 Bloc Quebecois, 1 Reform, and 1 > Conservative member. The following are the members of the committee, > and their fax and phone numbers: > > Name Phone Fax > Mr. Bob Speller, Liberal (613) 996 - 4974 (613) 996 - 9749 > Chair > > Ms. Sarmite Bulte, Liberal (613) 992 - 2936 (613) 995 - 1629 > > Ms. Raymonde Folco, Liberal (613) 992 - 2659 (613) 992 - 9469 > > Mr. Rebert Nault, Liberal (613) 996 - 1161 (613) 996 - 1759 > > Mr. Julian Reed, Liberal (613) 996 - 7046 (613) 992 - 0851 > > Mr. Charlie Penson, Reform (613) 992 - 5685 (613) 947 - 4782 > > Ms. Benoit Sauvageau, BQ (613) 992 - 5257 (613) 996 - 4338 > > Mr. Bill Blaikie, NDP (613) 995 - 6339 (613) 995 - 6688 > > Mr. Scott Brison, PC (613) 995 - 8231 (613) 996 - 9349 > > Mr. Richard Romus, (613) 996 - 1664 (613) 947 - 9670 > Committee clerk > > It is planned for the Committee to commence sitting on November > 3rd, with hearings to begin on November 4th. > > The Committee schedule will be 3 days of hearings the week of > November 3rd, then a one week recess for Remembrance Day, followed > by 8 days of hearings during the last 2 weeks of November. This is > a total of eleven days of public hearings! > > Note that the Liberals have a majority on the committee, so that we > can conclude that the final report will be in favour of the MAI. > > WE MUST BE CONCERNED, that even without considering the impact of > the MAI, we as citizens are being deprived of democracy, when the > committee will only hear the peopleÕs views for eleven days. > > The Committee (by the directives of the Liberal Government) will > further deprive Canadians of their democratic rights, as it will > not be traveling across the country, but will only have hearings > in Ottawa! > > This attempt by Minister Sergio Marchi to make it look like the > public is being involved in open democratic debate on this most > important, Nation-changing agreement is both a cynical and > calculated move to make us all feel that democracy is alive and > well in Canada. > > As this agreement (MAI) attacks our Charter rights of life, liberty > and natural justice (under Section 7), it is time for all citizens > to UNITE AND FIGHT. We must stop the signing of this Agreement until > we have had a wide, open, real Public Debate on this issue. > WE ARE AT WAR! > > These Remembrance week hearings must remind us that hundreds of > thousands of young Canadians died on Foreign soil to protect our > Nation and its People from tyrannical and dictatorial rule. And to > keep out Nation freed, independent and Democratic. Let us not let > these heroic men and women down now: ÒLest We ForgetÓ > > So pick up your pen, phone, fax or computer, and contact each of the > Members of the Committee. LetÕs have an invasion on the committee by > mobilizing an attack, using the latest technology, like a ÒDesert > StormÓ. We can win, we must! > > What does Liberty, Democracy, Independence and Natural Law mean to > you? By your actions you can tell! > > Remember: ÒNever doubt that a small group of dedicated citizens can > change the world. Indeed it is the only thing that ever hasÓ > (U.S. Anthropologist Margaret Mead.) > > This release is made by the ÒDefense of Canadian Liberty CommitteeÓ, > and the B.C. Organizing Committee , Canadian Action Party (CanadaÕs > newest registered political party). > > Release prepared by Jim Jordan, Phone/fax: (604) 277 - 4139 > > Other contacts: > Eva Lyman, e-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Connie Fogal: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Re: Lenin-Stalin
>Ricardo: > >There would be truth to this if such repressive measures were limited >to a civil war situation. But the real problem lies in the very >nature of the Bolshevik party and the notion that an elite of >`professional revolutionaries' can best decide what is the best for >everyone else. Democracy within that elite is no democracy at all; >which is why the Bolsheviks had no qualms liquidating the >Constituent Assembly in October 1917. Such an act led to the complete >monopolization of power by the Bolsheviks; on the basis of which >Stalin was able later to carry his `revolution from above'. > >This is only trivial to dogmatic Marxists, who have a tendency >to belittle any notion of constitutional rights, particulary when it >does not apply to them. > One of the things that continues to amaze me is how people can summarize such complex events in a paragraph. Not only does Duchesne make the problematic link between Lenin and Stalin, he also throws the word 'democracy' around without defining it. I have no idea what he thinks that democracy is. "Constitutional rights", as Ellen Meiksins Wood, points out in her recent study "Capitalism Against Democracy" is tied up with the evolution of a specific form of class rule. The Magna Carta, the American Constitution, etc. are best understood as mechanisms for limiting democracy. The purpose of representative democracy is to block genuine decision-making by the working class. I have no intention of answering your distortion of what happened to the Constituent Assembly. This would require research into Isaac Deutscher and E.H. Carr and some thorough analysis. It would be wasted on somebody like you who prefers simplistic opinion-making stripped of historical context. I stumbled across your name in a back issue of Science and Society. Do you have more rigorous standards for your submissions to scholarly journals? Let's hope so. > >Ricardo: > >Yes, if "it was up to you"; if only YOU could have it your way; >you, a particular INDIVIDUAL, would have no political hesitations >dealing with your opponents, you would be a `real' man. Well, >sorry to tell you, but this male-centered, individualist conception of >politics is outdated. > You forgot to include "white" and "heterosexual." If you are going to throw around epithets like this, you might as well do it 100%. The proper retort is white, heterosexual and male if you want to throw doubt on the integrity of your ideological opponent. Although I'd have to say that with the way my social life has been going recently, "heterosexual" is sort of an abstraction. Louis Proyect
FW: BLS Daily Reportboundary="---- =_NextPart_000_01BCE849.6F819070"
This message is in MIME format. Since your mail reader does not understand this format, some or all of this message may not be legible. -- =_NextPart_000_01BCE849.6F819070 charset="iso-8859-1" BLS DAILY REPORT, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1997 The average annual pay of workers in metropolitan areas rose 4 percent from 1995 to 1996, according to preliminary data released by BLS. In the nation's 313 metropolitan areas, the average annual pay was $30,250, up from $29,099 in 1995. Average annual pay for the nation as a whole - combining both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas - was $28,945 in 1996. New York topped BLS' list of metropolitan areas with the highest average pay, at $45,028 in 1996 (Daily Labor Report, page D-1). Suggesting that job growth will remain strong, the Conference Board's help-wanted advertising index rose by 2 percentage points in September to 87 percent of its 1987 base. The largest increases were in parts of the Southwest, the Southeast, and in New England. Declines were posted in the mid-Atlantic region and the Rocky Mountain states (Daily Labor Report, page A-6). Initial claims for unemployment insurance benefits dropped by 16,000 to a seasonally adjusted 297,000 in the week ending Oct. 25, the Labor Department's Employment and Training Administration reports. This figure, a larger decrease than anticipated, marks the first time since July 26 that new claims for jobless benefits have fallen below 300,000 .(Daily Labor Report, page D-10). Sales of new homes slipped for a second straight month in September. The Commerce Department said sales eased 0.2 percent, after a revised 2.3 percent fall in August (Washington Post, page G8). The New York Times (page C2) says that fresh evidence emerged today of strong new home sales and declining unemployment that showed considerable vigor in the economy before the stock market's wild gyrations this week Many economists say the drop in the stock market will reduce consumers' accumulated wealth and dampen economic growth this year, and that eventually should cause companies to cut back hiring a bit The robust job market and the income gains that result have been key elements supporting housing this year, as have low mortgage rates _The Wall Street Journal (page A2) points out that the number of Americans filing new applications for unemployment benefits fell to a three-month low last week, suggesting a continued tightening in the labor market. Another sign of strong demand for labor came in a Conference Board report showing an increase in help-wanted ads. Strained labor markets have yet to create inflation. High employment and sustained economic growth appear unlikely to accelerate payroll costs in 1998, and average white-collar salary increases will remain modest, according to a compensation survey by the William M. Mercer, Inc., consulting firm. Increases are likely to average 4.2 percent in 1998, compared with 4.1 percent this year. Nonexempt employees - such as those in clerical, administrative, and technical positions - can expect increases of 4.1 percent, and executives 4.3 percent, the firm reported. Mercer said that while salary growth remains moderate, the survey indicates that compensation practices are changing as growing numbers of companies adopt or plan variable reward programs that allow compensation to rise or fall based on individual, team, or organizational performance. Work arrangements and schedules have also become more flexible, Mercer said. Those include telecommuting (offered by 27 percent), flexitime (offered by 59 percent), and job-sharing (offered by 29 percent) (Daily Labor Report, page A-7). Strong productivity growth means that the U.S. economy can sustain a growth rate higher than 2.5 percent over time without spurring price pressures, says Federal Reserve Board Governor Edward W. "Mike" Kelley. But the same cannot be said for the 3.5-plus percentage increase over the last several quarters, Kelley warned in an interview with BNA .(Daily Labor Report, page A-11). -- =_NextPart_000_01BCE849.6F819070 b3NvZnQgTWFpbC5Ob3RlADEIAQWAAwAOzQcLAAMACwAPAAMAAQAAAQEggAMADgAAAM0HCwAD gAEAFQAAAEZXOiBCTFMgRGFpbHkgUmVwb3J0AIcGAQ2ABAACAgACAAEDkAYAoAwAAB0D AC4AAEAAOQAwjVakc+i8AR4AcAABDQAAAERhaWx5IFJlcG9ydAACAXEAAQAAACAA AAABvOYqbzNoEhsPUeYR0ZUGAmCM22AqAAigT6AAibSCQR4AMUABDQAAAFJJQ0hBUkRTT05f RAADABpAAB4AMEABDQAAAFJJQ0hBUkRTT05fRAADABlAAAIBCRAB zQkAAMkJAACvEAAATFpGdTxGwQH/AAoBDwIVAqQD5AXrAoMAUBMDVAIAY2gKwHNldO4yBgAGwwKD MgPGBxMCg8YzA8UCAHBycRIgE4X+fQqACM8J2QKACoENsQtg4G5nMTAzFCALChQiMwwBFMBvdAWQ BUBCTEEF8ERBSUxZB/BFAFBPUlQsIEZSCkkacFkbME9DVE9AQkVSIDMxGzAxMDk5NyAKhQqFVGiQ ZSBhdgSQYWcd4ShubnUHQCAKsHkg0G9mIHcFsGsEkAQgVQuAIAeAdANgcAbwaecBkAOgCsBlYQQg A2AR8OwgNB7gBJBjCfAFQANSoRyCNSB0bxyCNhswawDQBaFkC4BnIsIUwGWdIIBtC4AKwB8QZGEB kM8hMCRQIQEJgCBiHxAaMdAuICBJA6B0HdEkoLR0aQIgJwQgHFAzIA9fIRAbMCaSHg8fEHchESQg MzAsMjUqs
Re: dead girls in China
That's a great reply Bill. I'm so tired of all the anti-China hype. If Suharto received half as much flack for human rights violations as China did in the media I suppose i wouldn't be so tired of it... Steve On Mon, 3 Nov 1997, Bill Burgess wrote: > I understand that most of the gap in the number of girls as opposed to > boys in China is due to *under-reporting* of girls rather than female > infanticide. If the first born is a girl, if she is not reported a second > child may be the desired boy. China's one child rule is a reactionary > measure, but one-sided reports are no better. > > > Bill Burgess ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) > Department of Geography, Tel: (604) 822-2663 > University of British Columbia, B.C. Fax: (604) 822-6150 > >
Re: dead girls in China
I understand that most of the gap in the number of girls as opposed to boys in China is due to *under-reporting* of girls rather than female infanticide. If the first born is a girl, if she is not reported a second child may be the desired boy. China's one child rule is a reactionary measure, but one-sided reports are no better. Bill Burgess ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) Department of Geography, Tel: (604) 822-2663 University of British Columbia, B.C. Fax: (604) 822-6150
Marx, Carey, and India First half of first part
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Marx, Carey and India second half of first part
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Marx, Carey and India Part 2
Here is the second part:[[ CAREY2.DOC : 4135 in CAREY2.DOC ]]
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