> > /* Written 10:36 PM Feb 13, 1995 by moonlight in igc:ncdmusa */ > /* ---------- "EZLN Comm. 2/9/95 "Oil" (English)" ---------- */ > La Jornada 2-13-95 pg. 10 > > *"Oil, the basis for the government's current decision" > *EZLN reiterates its disposition to a dialogue without > threats, pressures or military attacks" > > Communique from the Indigenous Clandestine > Revolutionary Committee, General Command of the > Zapatista National Liberation Army > > Mexico > > February 9, 1995 > > To the people of Mexico: > To the people and governments of the world: > To the national and international press: > > The Indigenous Clandestine Revolutionary Committee, > General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation > Army declares the following: > > First.- In response to the ultimatum of Ernesto Zedillo > given on February 5th 1995 in the city of Queretaro, > Queretaro, we say: > 1. Ernesto Zedillo has now made a decision. Put > between choosing between, for one side, favoring the > peaceful transition to democracy, to defending the > national sovereignty, to changing the direction of the > current brutal path of the national economy and to > giving a just and dignified solution to the demands of > the Mexican indigenous; and, for the other side, > leading the reaction, continuing with the flight of our > riches in order to benefit the foreign stock market, > continuing with the economic program based on lies and > satisfying the anxiousness for vengence of the > plantation owners and powerful businessmen in > southeastern Mexico. Made to choose, Zedillo has opted > to be humble and servile with the powerful, to be > haughty and arrogant with the humble. > > 2. Ernesto Zedillo has given an ultimatum to the > rebel forces of the EZLN. He immediately received > applause and expressions of loyalty from the men of the > gallows and the knife in Chiapas, the support of the > usurpers of government in the Southeast and the > satisfaction of the powerful foreign capitalists. > > 3. The EZLN has given constant demonstrations of > its disposition to dialogue. Proof of this will can be > provided by the governmental representatives with > regards to the solution to the armed movement of the > EZLN. > > 4. Now, inexplicably, when the representation of > the EZLN had finalized the details for a new meeting > with the governmental delegates and when among the > indigenous communities which support our just cause, > the points of the agenda for the closed-door dialogue > were beginning to be discussed, we receive this > ultimatum. > 5. The EZLN laments this surprising turn in the > disposition of the federal Executive. The EZLN does > not bow its head before threats. For years we have > lived that way, threatened by the mighty men and their > private armies. Tired of this, we took up arms to > demand that which is the right of whatever human being > in whatever part of the world: liberty, democracy and > justice. Under threats we will not talk; we will > repond to intimidations, reinforcing our decision to > risk the ultimate consequences in order to obtain a > satisfactory, just and dignified solution to our needs. > > 6. Zedillo attempts to make the Congress of the > Union an accomplice in the use of military force to > confront our cause. Protected by a Congress with a PRI > majority, Zedillo wants to obtain the legal endorsement > to suspend individual rights, to declare martial law > and to authorize the massive and indiscriminate use of > the federal Army against the insurrectionary indigenous > people. > > 7. The dialogue that the bad government attempted > was an effort to bring the EZLN to its knees. It was > misled, since January 1st, 1994, we live on foot. On > foot we will talk or on foot we will fight, on foot we > will live or on foot we will die. > > 8. The delivery of the wealth of the national > subsoil, especially the petroleum, is what is at the > root of the current governmental decision. In the top > level government circles of Mexico and the United > States, the existence of rich, high quality oil fields > in the lands of Chiapas is common knowledge. The EZLN > is a disturbance to the treasonous plans of the supreme > government. This is the price of the loan: it will > have to be paid with Mexican blood, and with indigenous > blood especially, in order to pay off the debt. > > The supreme government prepares the criminal blow, > prepares the mass media, the Legislative and Judicial > powers, its armed forces and its paramilitaries. The > EZLN prepares the resistence. There is no dialogue > now. Rather than talk, the bad government made a call > to arms. > > > Second.- Today, February 9th, 1995, at 4pm, > hundreds of troops of the federal army took possession > of the town halls in San Andres Sacamach, Simojovel and > Sabanilla, and reinforced the garrisons with thousands > of soldiers in Ocosingo, Altamirano, and Las > Margaritas. Minutes later, the bad government > announced by means of a radio transmitter and in the > voice of Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon, a series of > declarations and threats regarding the EZLN and our > just cause. > > Third.- With regard to the detention of some > people in Mexico City and in the state of Veracruz, > who, it is said, belong to the EZLN, we are waiting for > information about these people to be able to clarify > whether they are or are not members of our army. As we > have shown in previous communiques, the EZLN always has > acknowledged that it has forces in other states in the > country, but all are under the orders of this CCRI-CG > of the EZLN to not carry out any military offensive > against any governmental force or its installations. > > Fourth.- Regarding the serious accusation that > Zedillo makes against our EZLN, saying that we refuse > to dialogue and that we were preparing for a series of > violent acts in order to extend our territory, we > declare firmly that this is a lie. The disposition to > dialoguing and to a just and dignified solution to the > conflict has been demonstrated in the statements of our > leaders and in the actions to reduce the tensions, > which we agreed to in the meeting on January 15, 1995 > with the Secretary of State. At all times the EZLN has > given demonstrations of its commitment to a just and > dignified political solution to the conflict. The > supreme government, through the mouth of its > representative Esteban Moctezuma Barragan, did nothing > but lie to the people of Mexico and lie to us. > > The EZLN denies completely that it was trying to > buy time or preparing bellicose actions that would > break its commitment to an indefinite offensive cease > fire while the negotiations for a stable treaty were > developing. The EZLN's delays in responding to the > government's communications were the result of our > complying with our obligation to consult the members of > this CCRI-CG of the EZLN, and the great distances and > problems with communication that exist in the mountains > of the Mexican Southeast also caused the delay in our > answers. > > It is evident that the supreme government is > ignoring the grave conditions of isolation in which > that same government has always kept the indigenous > communities, and which make communication difficult. > > But, above all, it is our lack of trust regarding > the supposed will of the government which impedes the > possibility that the discussions dedicated to a > political solution continue. The climate of > belligerence of the guardias blancas in the states, the > forced removals of people from their land and the lack > of a serious proposal for dialogue on the part of the > governmental representatives makes a serious meeting > impossible. From the Zapatista perspective the > governmental decision to take a military solution to > the conflict was made in the United States of America > and Moctezuma Barragan only tried to gain time, > feigning willingness while the supreme government > prepared the farce of detentions in Veracruz and Mexico > City, finalizing details of the war and waiting for the > end of the rainy season to carry out the planned > massacre. The two-sided face of the governmental > representatives today now can be seen behind the arrest > orders and the military bayonets. > > Fifth.- With respect to the calumny about the > leadership of the EZLN not being indigenous nor from > Chiapas, the EZLN declares that it has no higher > command than the Indigenous Clandestine Revolutionary > Committee-General Command and that it is composed of, > in its totality, indigenous people of Chiapas. > > With respect to the origins of subcomandante > Marcos, as he has stated since January 1st, 1994, he is > not from Chiapas nor indigenous, but he is Mexican and > he obeys our political and organizational direction and > no one else. The military questions are his direct > responsibility, and there is no higher military > authority than his, and in our structure, no one else > has the military rank of subcomandante. > > With respect to the ties of the EZLN to the > organization called "National Liberation Forces", the > EZLN, during interviews, letters and communiques, has > explained that in its beginnings members of diverse > armed organizations in the country came together, that > from there was born the EZLN and that this, little by > little, has been taken on by the indigenous communities > until they have become the political and military > leadership of the EZLN. > > To the name of the "National Liberation Forces" > as the antecedents of the EZLN, the government should > add those of all of the guerrilla organizations of the > 70s and 80s, Arturo Gamiz, Lucio Cabanas, Genaro > Vazquez Rojas, Emiliano Zapata, Francisco Villa, > Vicente Guerrero, Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon, Miguel > Hidalgo and Costilla, Benito Juarez, and many others > who are now erased from the history books because a > people with a memory are a rebellious people. > > We reiterate, the EZLN is an organization of > Mexicans, for the most part indigenous, directed by a > committee that brings together the distinct ethnic > groups in Chiapas and absolutely does not have, in its > composition, any member who is not indigenous. > > Sixth.-With respect to the threat of the > government to enter the Zapatista communities with > federal troops and police in an alleged search for the > one they accuse of being subcomandante Marcos, the EZLN > declares that while it may appear as a good excuse, it > will resist and combat in self defense if it is > assaulted by the governmental forces. > > Seventh.- The CCRI-CG of the EZLN reiterates its > disposition to a political solution to the conflict by > means of dialogue without threats, pressures or > military attacks. > > Eighth.- If, regardless of this reiteration of our > disposition to dialogue, the bad government goes > forward with its war plans, the EZLN declares, now, > that we will not give up. We will fight on foot, on > foot we will die, but we will not return to living, not > ever, on our knees. > > Democracy! > Freedom! > Justice! > > From the mountains of Southeastern Mexico > > Indigenous Clandestine Revolutionary Committee, > General Command of the Zapatista National Liberation > Army, February 1995 > > > [translated by Cindy Arnold, volunteer, National > Commission for Democracy in Mexico] > >
